1 


THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 

OF 
GEORGE  BANCROFT 


THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 

OF 

GEORGE  BANCROFT 


BY 

M.  A.  DEWOLFE  HOWE 


ILLUSTRATED 


VOLUME   I 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
1908 


COPYRIGHT  1908,  BY 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

Published  April,  1908 


PREFACE 

ABOUT  five  years  ago  the  late  Mrs.  John  C.  Bancroft 
entrusted  to  me  the  private  papers  of  her  father-in-law 
that  I  might  prepare  the  biography  now  presented. 
They  were  so  numerous  that  the  task  of  drawing  forth 
from  the  mass  of  written  words  some  semblance  of  the 
man  whom  they  concerned  seemed  at  first  to  offer 
nothing  but  difficulties.  Yet  it  soon  appeared  that  Mr. 
Bancroft  himself  had  done  much  to  simplify  his  biogra 
pher's  work.  The  correspondence  was,  for  the  most 
part,  well  arranged;  and,  best  of  all,  I  found  that  Mr. 
Bancroft  had  secured  many  of  his  own  early  letters  from 
their  recipients,  and  had  followed  the  practice  of  pre 
serving  copies  of  most  of  the  letters  written  during  his 
active  life.  When  the  source  of  manuscript  material 
in  the  following  pages  is  not  specifically  noted,  it  may 
therefore  be  understood  to  lie  in  the  papers  placed  at 
my  disposal. 

In  one  of  the  multitude  of  letters  not  used,  I  find  Mr. 
Bancroft  exclaiming,  "Oh!  these  children  and  biog 
raphers  who  cannot  leave  in  the  dark  what  belongs 
there."  What  does  belong  there,  and  what  does  not? 


190919 


vi  PREFACE 

These  are  questions  which  the  biographer  must  take  the 
responsibility  of  answering  with  that  uncompromising 
finality  which  an  architect  uses  in  building  a  house.  No 
two  architects,  or  biographers,  confronted  with  the  same 
problem,  can  rear  precisely  the  same  structure.  Here 
the  problem  has  been  one  of  selection  and  elimination 
rather  than  search.  If  I  have  not  always  eliminated 
enough,  it  has  been  through  a  desire  to  shed  authentic 
light  upon  a  character  not  without  its  contradictions. 
Where  interpretation  and  comment  have  been  called 
for,  I  can  only  hope  they  have  been  given  with  the 
sympathetic  candour  which  should  exist  between  a 
biographer  and  his  subject. 

For  counsel  and  other  assistance  of  great  variety  and 
value  I  am  indebted  to  many  friends  and  kinsmen  of 
Mr.  Bancroft,  and  to  certain  friends  of  my  own.  Special 
acknowledgments  must  be  made  to  Professor  Wilder 
D.  Bancroft  and  Mr.  Charles  Bruen  Perkins;  to  the 
Hon.  John  Bigelow,  Mr.  Charles  K.  Bolton  of  the 
Boston  Athenaeum,  Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  Mrs. 
J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis,  Mr.  Wilberforce  Eames  of  the 
New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Branch),  Mr. 
Worthington  C.  Ford  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale,  Professor  Albert 
Bushnell  Hart,  Col.  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson, 
Dr.  James  K.  Hosmer,  Mrs.  Julia  Ward  Howe,  Mr. 
William  C.  Lane  of  the  Harvard  College  Library,  the 
Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Mrs.  Thornton  K.  Lothrop, 
Mr.  Leonard  L.  Mackall,  Dr.  S.  Weir  Mitchell,  Pro- 


PREFACE  vii 

fessor  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  Professor  and  Mrs.  Henry 
G.  Pearson,  the  late  Mr.  Linzee  Prescott,  Mr.  Josiah  P. 
Quincy,  Dr.  Austin  Scott,  Professor  W.  M.  Sloane,  Mr. 
Ainsworth  R.  Spofford  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  and 
Mr.  George  G.  Wolkins.  That  Mrs.  John  C.  Bancroft, 
under  whose  friendly  guidance  the  work  was  begun, 
has  not  lived  to  see  its  completion,  is  a  source  of  the 
deepest  regret. 


BOSTON,  February,  1908. 


CONTENTS 

PREFACE   . 


3APTEK  PAGE 

I.     INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD.  1800-1813  1 

II.     PREPARATION   AT   HOME   AND   ABROAD. 

1813-1822 24 

III.  THE  PERIOD  OF  TEACHING.     1822-1831  155 

IV.  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY.     1831-1845       .  185 
V.    SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY.     1845-1846  .  262 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


GEORGE  BANCROFT Frontispiece 

From  the  portrait  by  Gustav  Richter  at  Harvard  Uni 
versity. 

FACING  PAGE 

AARON  BANCROFT,   FATHER  OF  GEORGE  BAN 
CROFT  16 

From  a  miniature  in  the  possession  of  Professor  Wilder 
D.  Bancroft. 

LUCRETIA  BANCROFT,  MOTHER  OF  GEORGE  BAN 
CROFT  20 

From  a  miniature  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Andrew 
McFarland  Davis. 


I 

INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD 

1800—1813 

"You  have  both  written  the  History  of  your  Country, 
and  made  yourself  a  part  of  it."  These  words  from  a 
letter  of  Robert  C.  Winthrop  to  George  Bancroft  on 
his  ninetieth  birthday  could  not  have  been  addressed 
so  truthfully  to  any  other  American.  They  summarise 
a  unique  career.  The  work  and  the  life  of  George 
Bancroft  taken  together  cover  virtually  the  entire  range 
of  American  history.  His  books  are  the  record,  from 
the  very  beginnings,  of  all  the  events  which  culminated 
in  the  inauguration  of  the  first  President,  only  eleven 
years  before  the  birth  of  the  nineteenth  century.  With 
that  century  the  life  of  George  Bancroft  began,  and 
continued  through  all  but  nine  of  its  years.  His  life 
was  one  of  many  contacts  with  the  most  important 
persons  and  events  of  his  time,  both  in  America  and  in 
Europe.  It  was  a  life  which  rendered  him  peculiarly 
a  national  figure.  The  writer  and  the  statesman,  how 
ever,  were  not  all  of  the  man.  In  the  full  consideration 
of  his  career  must  be  included  his  social  relations, 
coloured  by  his  strongly  marked  personal  character 
istics,  and  finally  helping  to  determine  the  view  in  which 

1 


2  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-isia 

the  succeeding  generations  have  held  him.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  find  in  his  inheritance  and  early  influences 
the  seeds  of  his  development  in  various  directions. 

George  Bancroft  was  born  at  Worcester,  Massachu 
setts,  October  3,  1800.  Instead  of  tracing  all  the  de 
grees  by  which  his  substantial  New  England  ancestry 
transmitted  to  him  its  characteristics,  it  will  suffice  to 
look  with  some  care  at  his  father  and  mother  and  the 
special  inheritances  with  which  they  could  provide  their 
children. 

His  father  was  the  Rev.  Aaron  Bancroft,  who. was 
born  at  Reading,  Massachusetts,  November  10,  1755, 
and  died  at  Worcester,  August  19,  1839.  The  stock 
from  which  he  sprang  was  of  that  New  England  strain 
which  has  so  often  been  called  "sturdy"  and  "pious," 
that  one  forgets  how  much  the  words  may  mean. 
Aaron  Bancroft's  father,  Deacon  Samuel  Bancroft,  a 
farmer  of  Reading,  was  a  member  of  the  ecclesiastical 
council  which  in  1750  decreed  the  dismissal  of  Jonathan 
Edwards  from  Northampton,  but — be  it  added — was 
one  of  the  minority  which  formally  protested  against 
the  decree.  A  correspondent  of  George  Bancroft  in 
1845  drew  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  Samuel  Bancroft, 
in  virtue  of  his  title  of  Deacon  "and  of  his  civil  rank  and 
standing,  wore  the  large  white  wig  of  that  day." 
Samuel  Bancroft's  grandfather,  Thomas  Bancroft  of 
Reading,  also  a  Deacon,  left  a  will,  from  one  clause  of 
which  it  may  be  inferred  that  both  George  Bancroft  and 
his  father  came  by  a  clear  inheritance  into  the  interests 
to  which  their  lives  were  devoted:  "My  history  books 
to  be  divided  among  my  three  sons  equally,  my  divinity 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD    3 

books  among  all  my  children,  not  including  my  bible, 
Clark's  annotations,  which  I  give  to  my  son  Thomas." 
The  father  of  this  testator  was  a  still  earlier  Thomas 
Bancroft,  born  in  England  in  1622,  and  first  placed 
with  definiteness  in  New  England  through  his  two 
marriages  in  Dedham  in  1647  and  1648.  Soon  after 
the  second  marriage  he  moved  to  Reading,  where,  as 
we  have  seen,  his  descendants  long  remained. 

The  agricultural  life  at  Reading,  in  which  Aaron 
Bancroft  would  naturally  have  succeeded  his  father, 
did  not  satisfy  the  boy.  He  was  permitted  to  enter 
Harvard  College  in  1774.  The  entire  college  genera 
tion  to  which  he  belonged  suffered  serious  interruptions 
of  study  through  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Yet  in 
1778  Bancroft  graduated  with  honor.  In  1810  his 
college  made  him  a  Doctor  of  Divinity.  To  this  dis 
tinction  he  had  risen  by  steady  degrees.  Unsuccessful 
as  a  teacher  immediately  upon  leaving  college,  he  went, 
after  a  brief  study  of  theology,  to  Nova  Scotia  where  for 
three  years  he  preached  in  various  places.  In  the 
"Memoranda  designed  for  the  Inspection  of  my  Wife 
and  my  Children,"  which  Aaron  Bancroft  wrote  in  1826, 
he  said  of  this  missionary  experience:  "I  am  fully  per 
suaded  that  this  peregrination  was  of  solid  benefit  to 
me.  It  put  me  on  my  own  resources,  and  obliged  me 
to  call  into  exercise  the  powers  of  my  own  mind  in  a 
greater  degree  than  I  probably  should  in  a  state  where 
libraries  and  learned  clergymen  would  have  presented 
extraneous  assistance."  All  this  must  have  contributed 
to  the  independence  of  judgment  which  characterised 
him  through  life.  As  a  mere  boy  he  had  rebelled  against 


.4  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1800-1813 

the  Calvinism  which  enveloped  his  father's  house.  "I 
am  not  sure,"  he  wrote  in  the  " Memoranda,"  "that  the 
surfeit  I  then  had  did  not  give  me  a  distaste  to  Calvin 
ism  which  has  continued  to  this  day."  On  his  return 
from  Nova  Scotia  his  theology  was  such  that  the  town 
of  Worcester  refused  to  establish  him  as  the  successor 
of  the  congregational  minister  whose  death  had  left 
a  place  to  be  filled.  But  the  welcome  which  Aaron 
Bancroft's  frankly  Arminian  preaching  received  gave 
evidence  that  there  was  room  in  Worcester  for  a  second 
religious  society.  Accordingly  in  1785  a  new  parish 
was  established,  and  in  1786  Bancroft  was  formally  or 
dained  its  minister.  Though  the  definite  rupture  be 
tween  the  Orthodox  and  Unitarian  ministers  did  not 
come  till  the  nineteenth  century  was  well  begun,  the 
young  Arminian  found  himself  held  at  arm's  length  by 
the  surrounding  clergy.  How  he  bore  himself  may  be 
inferred  from  a  postscript  to  the  "Memoranda":  "An 
honest,  but  not  very  intelligent  farmer  of  my  Parish, 
some  ten  years  since,  accosted  me  in  this  manner,  'Well, 
Mr.  Bancroft,  what  do  you  think  the  people  of  the  old 
Parish  say  of  you  now?'  I  answered,  'I  hope  some 
thing  very  good.'  'They  say,  if  we  find  fault  with  him, 
he  does  not  mind  it  at  all;  and  if  we  praise  him,  he 
does  not  mind  it;  but  keeps  steadily  on  his  own  way; 
we  therefore  have  concluded  that  it  is  best  to  let  him 
alone.'  The  farmer  mentioned  the  fact  as  a  subject 
of  laughter,  but  I  thought  and  still  think  that  taking 
the  declaration  in  its  bearings,  it  was  the  prettiest 
compliment  I  have  received  through  my  whole  life." 
Another  passage  from  the  "Memoranda"  illustrates  a 


1800-1813]   INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  5 

quality  of  reserve  characteristic  of  the  race  to  which  the 
Bancrofts  belonged:  "In  the  above  sketch  nothing  is 
said  of  experimental  religion  or  of  offices  of  secret  de 
votion.  At  this  my  children  perhaps  will  be  surprised. 
Possibly  in  these  things  I  have  been  through  life  too 
reserved ;  but  my  heart  always  revolted  from  communi 
cations  of  this  nature.  Religion,  as  a  concern  between 
God  and  the  soul  of  man,  is  in  its  essence  a  secret 
transaction,  and  not  to  be  spoken  of  to  the  world.  Be 
my  views  on  this  subject  right  or  wrong,  the  fact  is,  I 
never  furnished  either  my  wife  or  my  children  with 
means  by  which  they  could  determine  what  was  my 
private  communion  with  Heaven.  Whether  my  gen 
eral  life  and  conversation  have  supported  my  Christian 
profession  and  my  ministerial  character,  my  family,  as 
well  as  those  around  me,  will  judge." 

Outside  his  own  community  he  was  well  known  as  an 
early  leader  in  the  anti-Calvinistic  branch  of  New 
England  Congregationalism.  From  the  founding  of 
the  American  Unitarian  Association  in  1825  until  1836 
he  was  its  president.  More  than  thirty  of  his  separate 
discourses  may  be  found  in  pamphlet  form.  A  pub 
lished  volume  of  his  "Sermons  on  those  Questions  of  the 
Gospel,  and  on  those  Constituent  Principles  of  the 
Church,  which  Christian  Professors  have  made  the 
Subject  of  Controversy"  (1822),  had  the  power  to  call 
forth  from  the  elder  President  Adams,  naturally  sym 
pathising  with  the  new  Unitarian  movement,  a  letter 
in  which  two  sentences  read:  "It  is  a  chain  of  dia 
monds  set  in  links  of  gold.  I  have  never  read,  nor  heard 
read,  a  volume  of  sermons  better  calculated  and  adapted 


6  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [isoo-1813 

to  the  age  and  country  in  which  it  was  written."  Of 
all  his  writings,  however,  his  Life  of  Washington  (1807) 
carried  his  good  name  farthest.  The  preface  declares 
it  to  be  a  book  not  written  "for  men  of  erudition,  but 
for  the  unlettered  portion  of  the  community."  The 
author  "entertains  no  expectation  of  acquiring  literary 
fame  by  this  publication;  but  he  hopes  to  escape  the 
disgrace  of  having  written  an  useless  book."  The 
effective  simplicity  of  its  style  clearly  saved  the  author 
from  this  disgrace,  and  carried  the  book  into  several 
editions,  in  both  England  and  America. 

A  son's  estimate  of  a  father  may  not  be  taken  as  the 
most  impartial  testimony;  but  since  the  father  is  here 
regarded  chiefly  in  the  light  of  what  his  son  derived 
from  him,  it  is  well  to  reproduce  a  letter  written  by 
George  Bancroft  to  the  compiler  of  the  Annals  of  the 
American  Pulpit,  who  included  a  sketch  of  Aaron  Ban 
croft  in  his  eighth  volume  (1865): 

To  WILLIAM  B.  SPRAGUE,  D.D. 

"NEW  YORK,  January  28,  1862. 

"You  ask  of  me  some  personal  account  of  my  father. 
My  earliest  recollections  of  him  are  of  a  bright  and 
cheerful  man;  fulfilling  the  duties  of  life  with  courage 
and  hearty  goodwill;  naturally  given  to  hospitality, 
and  delighting  in  the  society  of  intelligent  friends,  who 
were  attracted  by  the  ready  sympathy  of  his  nature,  his 
lively  and  varied  conversation,  and  the  quickness  and 
clearness  of  his  perceptions.  His  mind  was  calm  and 
logical,  discriminating  and  accurate,  possessing  the 


1800-1813]   INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD   7 

reflective  powers  in  an  eminent  degree.  He  loved 
literature  and  its  pursuits;  and  though,  in  his  youth,  the 
opportunities  of  becoming  learned  were  interrupted  by 
the  War,  his  natural  inclinations  and  activity  made 
amends  for  the  deficiency;  so  that  in  general  culture  he 
stood  among  the  foremost  of  his  day,  and,  far  more  than 
any  man  in  his  neighbourhood,  preserved  through  life 
the  tastes  of  a  scholar.  Of  a  bilious  temperament  and  a 
delicate  physical  organization,  he  used  to  speak  of  him 
self  as  having  been  irascible  in  his  boyhood;  but  this 
tendency  he  brought  under  subjection,  without  im 
pairing  his  vivacity,  and  he  obtained  and  preserved  to 
the  last  a  complete  mastery  over  himself. 

"  It  never  was  his  way  to  make  a  show  of  his  virtues  or 
his  emotions.  With  him  private  devotion  was  strictly 
private.  His  affections  were  strong,  but  not  demonstra 
tive.  One  of  his  sons  was  lost  at  sea;  though  suffering 
most  keenly  from  sorrow,  he  maintained  his  fortitude 
as  an  example  to  his  family;  but  long  after  every  one 
else  had  given  up  hope,  he  was  always  seen,  with  the 
arrival  of  the  mail,  walking  in  front  of  the  post-office 
until  the  letters  were  distributed;  and  when  day  after 
day  brought  none  to  him,  he  would  return  to  his  study 
with  undisturbed  serenity,  unquestioning  and  unques 
tioned.  In  all  this  prolonged  period  of  sorrow  and 
hope,  he  was  never  found  in  tears  but  once,  when  his 
door  was  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  opened.  His 
love  for  his  wife,  or  rather  their  mutual  affection, 
was  singularly  great.  She  was  remarkable  for 
benevolence,  very  uncommon  gifts  of  mind,  and 
playful  cheerfulness.  In  April,  1839,  when  they  had 


8  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-isis 

been  married  more  than  fifty-two  years,  she  died  after 
a  very  short  illness.  My  father,  then  past  eighty-three 
years  of  age,  attended  her  to  the  grave  with  no  unusual 
display  of  grief;  but,  after  returning  from  the  funeral, 
he  never  left  his  homestead  again,  and  died  in  less  than 
four  months. 

"Throughout  all  his  life,  my  father's  means  were  lim 
ited,  and  during  a  large  part  of  it,  were  very  scanty; 
but  he  was  never  embarrassed,  for  he  had  made  it  a  fixed 
rule  not  to  incur  debt.  Small  as  was  his  income,  he 
took  it  upon  himself  to  support  his  widowed  mother  in 
comfort;  and  under  his  care  she  lived  to  be  ninety- 
eight.1 

"  His  knowledge  of  human  nature  and  the  springs  of 
human  action  made  him  sought  for  by  those  who  needed 
consolation  and  advice;  and  he  was  frequently  ap 
pealed  to  as  an  arbiter.  His  exactness  and  method 
made  him  a  good  man  of  business,  and  once,  when  cir 
cumstances  compelled  him  to  act  as  the  administrator 
of  a  very  complicated  estate,  he  did  it  so  well  that  he 
won  the  gratitude  of  all  persons  concerned.  In  politics 
he  was  a  Federalist  of  the  old  school,  from  which  he 
never  deviated  a  hand's  breadth;  and  had  he  lived  a 
hundred  years  he  would  have  been  a  Federalist  to  the 
last./  But  what  he  was  most  remarkable  for  was,  that, 
while  his  own  opinions  were  held  with  tenacity,  and 
while  he  was  often  unavoidably  engaged  in  theological 

"  It  was  in  the  simplicity  and  economy  of  a  minister's  family, 
in  what  you  see  was  a  Dissenting  Church  in  an  Established 
community,  that  our  George  Bancroft  grew  up.  It  was  plain 
living  and  high  thinking  with  a  vengeance."  From  letter  of 
Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  to  the  author,  Jan.  20,  1906. 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD    9 

polemics,  he  maintained  a  steady,  consistent  attach 
ment  to  freedom  of  conscience  and  of  thought,  the 
right  of  free  inquiry,  the  right  of  private  judgment.  In 
this  I  think  nobody  ever  excelled  him.  It  seemed  to 
form  an  elemental  part  of  him.  Whenever  members  of 
his  family  consulted  him  on  a  question  of  belief,  he 
never  taught  them  by  his  own  authority,  but  would  set 
before  them  arguments  on  each  side,  and  recommended 
to  them  the  best  writers  on  the  subject;  he  really 
wished  them  to  arrive  at  their  own  conclusions  by  their 
own  unbiased  reflection.  This  respect  for  private 
judgment  he  carried  into  all  departments;  and  I  can 
not  recall  a  single  instance  in  which  he  attempted  to 
mould  or  sway  my  opinions  on  religious  dogmas  or 
politics.  The  candid  and  impartial  exercise  of  the  facul 
ties  of  the  mind,  a  teachable  temper,  and  honest  zeal  for 
truth,  formed  his  rule  for  himself  and  for  all  others y 
"  His  father,  who  was  a  leading  man  in  his  village,  and 
remarkable  for  his  gifts  as  a  speaker,  was  known  as  a 
strict  Calvinist,  and  a  thorough  supporter  of  Jonathan 
Edwards.  So  my  father  was  trained  in  his  boyhood 
in  the  straitest  school  of  orthodoxy;  but  'the  throes 
of  his  own  youthful  mind/  as  he  used  to  say,  revolted 

1  At  the  end  of  the  sermon  on  Dr.  Bancroft's  death,  preached 
by  the  Rev.  Alonzo  Hill,  his  colleague  and  successor,  it  is  told 
that  when  the  contest  between  the  "Liberal  Christian"  and 
"Orthodox"  parties  was  at  its  height  "one  of  Aaron  Bancroft's 
daughters  asked  leave  to  read  Dr.  Channing's  letters  to  Dr. 
Worcester.  'And  have  you  read  Dr.  Worcester's  Letters?' 
inquired  he.  As  she  answered,  "No,"  with  some  expression  of 
disparagement — 'What,'  said  he,  with  considerable  warmth,  'are 
you  a  daughter  of  mine,  and  do  you  read  only  one  side  of  the 
question?'" 


10  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1800-1813 

against  the  dogmas  of  predestination  and  election.  His 
position  in  the  theological  world  was  further  affected 
by  his  encountering,  early  in  life,  in  a  distant  region, 
ignorant  and  presumptuous  religious  enthusiasts.  These 
circumstances  and  his  characteristic  antipathy  to  all 
exaggeration,  and  his  distrust  of  the  effects  of  excite 
ments,  set  him  against  fanaticism  and  excess  in  all  their 
forms. 

"My  father's  theology  was  of  New  England  origin, 
and,  like  that  of  so  many  others,  was  a  logical  conse 
quence  of  the  reaction  against  the  severities  of  our 
Puritan  fathers.  He  was  thoroughly  a  Protestant  and 
a  Congregationalist.  Of  English  theological  writers,  he 
was  fond  of  reading,  among  others,  Tillotson,  Samuel 
Clarke,  Price,  Bishop  Butler,  the  liberal  Bishop  Law, 
the  philosopher  Locke.  He  had  no  sympathy  with 
Belsham  or  his  school,  and  read  little  or  nothing  of 
theirs  till  late  in  life.  For  several  years  he  was  a  sub 
scriber  to  the  Christian  Observer,  while  it  was  an 
English  Low  Church  periodical.  He  always  remem 
bered  with  pleasure  that,  happening  to  sojourn  for  a 
time  in  a  town  where  there  was  but  one  building  for 
public  worship,  he  and  an  Episcopal  minister  conducted 
the  service  alternately  in  perfect  harmony.  The 
division  in  the  Congregational  Church  in  Massachu 
setts  he  deplored  and  resisted.  It  met  his  cordial  ap 
proval  that  his  children  should  attend  the  services  of  a 
Calvinistic  minister,  where  there  was  no  other  Congre 
gationalist.  Once  he  commended  one  of  them  by 
letter  to  a  Calvinistic  Church  in  another  town,  as  a 
church-member  in  regular  standing;  and  when  one  of 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  11 

his  daughters  married  a  Calvinist,  he  advised  her  to 
worship  at  the  same  church  with  her  husband.  He 
considered  reason  as  a  primary  and  universal  revelation 
of  God  to  men  of  all  nations  and  all  ages;  he  was  sure 
of  the  necessary  harmony  between  reason  and  true  reli 
gion,  and  he  did  not  scruple  to  reject  whatever  seemed 
to  him  plainly  in  contradiction  with  it. 

"Age  may  have  impaired  his  vivacity;  but  his  last 
years  were  serene;  and  whenever  it  was  discussed 
whether  a  man  would  like  to  live  his  life  over  again,  my 
father  always  expressed  himself  so  well  satisfied  with 
his  career  that  he  would  willingly  run  it  once  more. 

"  He  took  little  heed  of  what  men  said  of  him,  whether 
in  blame  or  in  praise,  but  steadily  went  on  his  way  with 
undeviating  constancy,  firmness,  and  good  temper. 
His  theological  opponents,  as  well  as  his  nearer  friends, 
bore  testimony  to  his  uprightness;  and  his  character 
gained  for  him,  among  all  classes  of  the  community  in 
which  he  lived,  a  solid  influence  and  respect  such  as  I 
have  never  known  exceeded;  indeed,  I  think  I  may  say 
that  it  has  not  been  equalled." 

There  is  in  this  letter  a  passing  glimpse  of  George 
Bancroft's  mother.  Among  the  papers  which  he 
preserved  are  letters  in  her  unskilful  handwriting,  full 
of  strange  misspellings,  yet  more  noticeable  still  for 
warmth  of  feeling  and  a  spontaneous  play  of  humour. 
They  help  one  to  believe  that  Aaron  Bancroft's  wife, 
Lucretia  Chandler,  was  the  remarkable  woman  her 
distinguished  son  considered  her.  She  was  indeed  of 
no  common  ancestry.  Her  mother,  Mary  Church,  of 


12  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-1813 

Bristol,  Rhode  Island,  was  a  grand-daughter  of  Captain 
Benjamin  Church,  the  conqueror  of  King  Philip  and 
chronicler  of  the  Indian  Wars.  Through  her  father's 
mother,  Hannah  Gardiner,  she  was  descended  from  the 
picturesque  race  of  Gardiners,  who  for  generations 
held  Gardiner's  Island,  opposite  New  London,  in  entail. 
Lucretia  Chandler's  father,  John  Chandler,  was  the 
fifth  of  his  line  in  New  England,  the  fourth  to  bear  the 
name  of  John,  the  third  in  Worcester  County  to  hold, 
besides,  the  title  of  Judge.  Like  his  grandfather  and 
father,  he  filled  various  offices  of  importance  in  the 
provincial  government  of  Massachusetts.  The  family 
was  conspicious  for  wealth  and  social  place.  When  the 
Revolution  drew  near,  Mrs.  Bancroft's  father,  known 
in  Worcester  as  "Tory  John,"  fled  to  Boston.  At  the 
evacuation  he  sailed  with  his  fellow  Tories  for  Halifax 
and  thence  to  London,  where  he  died  in  1800.  In 
England  his  claims  for  reimbursement  for  his  property 
losses  through  the  Revolution  were  so  modest  as  to  win 
him  the  title  of  "the  honest  refugee." 

Lucretia  Chandler  was  but  eleven  years  old  in  1776. 
Had  her  father  been  of  the  patriot  party,  her  prepara 
tion  for  life  would  surely  have  taken  a  more  prosperous 
course.  There  is  fortunately  preserved  a  letter1  of 
her  own  which  explains  so  many  circumstances  and 
reveals  her  nature  so  plainly  that  there  can  be  no  better 
way  to  picture  the  mother  of  George  Bancroft  than  by 
reproducing  a  large  portion  of  it.  The  letter  was 
written  to  her  daughter  Jane,  who  in  1825  married 

1  See  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  An 
nual  Meeting,  October  24,  1900. 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  13 

Donato  Gherardi,  an  Italian  political  refugee,  and  in 
1827  sailed  with  him  and  the  first  two  of  their  five 
dren  for  Louisiana. 


"  WORCESTER,  February  28th 

".  .  .  Sometimes  I  wonder  how  your  father  ever 
could  have  thought  of  a  young  girl  like  me  for  his  wife — 
one  who  was  almost  a  child  of  nature — unfortunate  in 
being  bred  without  the  least  culture  of  the  mind.  My 
mother,  a  woman  of  a  strong  understanding,  would  often 
strive  to  turn  my  attention  to  reading  and  as  often  point 
out  the  importance  of  spending  my  time  usefully;  not 
having  an  early  good  school  education,  the  groundwork 
was  not  laid.  I  cair'd  not  for  history,  nor  did  I  read 
much  of  Travels.  I  could  form  no  idea  where  the  place 
was  nor  co'ld  I  imagin  that  such  people  as  I  read  of  ever 
existed,  so  what  was  the  result,  I  read  novels  to  a  won 
derful  extent,  I  took  pleasure  in  a  good  play,  and  found 
delight  in  reading  blank  virce.  Your  Uncle  Sever1 
read  beautifully,  and  he  would  often  hear  me  read, 
which  was  of  high  consiquence  but  as  to  my  knowing 
anything  that  is  now  consider'd  an  English  Educa 
tion  I  am  sure  it  was  all  as  out  of  the  question.  I 
possessed  a  cheerful  disposition — and  my  mother  would 
sometimes  tell  me  in  a  plaiful  manner,  I  should  never 
have  more  at  my  heart  than  I  should  throw  off  at  my 
heels — I  was  always  ready  for  any  amusement,  the  War 
we  had  with  England  did  not  forbid  mirth,  that  seem'd 
to  be  the  only  way  to  go  on.  I  was  the  gayest  in  the 

1  Lucretia  Chandler's  sister  Mary  married  William  Seaver,  Jr. 
(The  Chandler  Family,  by  George  Chandler,  Boston,  1872). 


14  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1800-1813 

ball  room.  I  never  wanted  more  attention  than  I 
received.  Sometimes  my  pride  wd  have  a  good  lesson 
for  I  could  not  dress  like  many  of  my  young  acquaint 
ances.  Altho  born  in  the  lap  of  plenty,  and  constantly 
more  carest  than  fathers  generally  do  their  children, 
when  so  numerous  a  family  as  he  had  would  not  expect 
it,  but  the  truth  was  I  was  my  mother 's  eleventh  child, 
and  nearly  three  years  elapsed  before  the  twelfth  came. 
I  was  as  my  mother  had  said,  a  pretty  little  black  eyed 
Indian,  as  they  called  me,  remarked  for  my  upright 
form,  which  gave  me  the  name,  and  till  the  war  broke 
out  which  was  when  I  was  in  my  ninth  year,  I  was  even 
then  the  plaything  of  the  family,  indulged  by  my  father. 
He  never  sit  in  his  chair  without  calling  for  'pug'  to 
come  to  him.  I  sat  while  he  smoak'd  his  pipe.  I  can 
even  now  see  him  go  and  take  his  glass  of  wine,  and 
away  to  his  office,  happy  indeed  were  those  days,  the 
poor  and  the  afflicted  always  found  a  reffuge  in  my 
parents,  if  I  possess  one  attum  of  benivolence  or  even 
feal  for  the  sorrowful,  it  was  from  these  early  impres 
sions,  but  alias  they  were  too  short,  grievous  times 
came,  my  father  not  willing  to  live  in  altercation  with 
those  around  him,  a  very  few  indeed  of  the  number  who 
had  not  by  his  bounty  and  by  his  kind  interfearance  as 
sisted  in  the  daily  walks  of  life,  or  aforded  them  such 
means  as  to  enable  them  to  get  a  living,  it  was  these 
very  men  who  were  the  most  bitter,  and  from  such  men 
he  thot  it  best  for  a  while  to  abscond — our  most  con 
fidential  men  laiborers  was  let  into  the  seacret,  and  my 
father  went  to  Boston,  these  men  having  all  the  plate, 
linnin  and  library  under  their  care,  this  was  indeed 


1800-1813]   INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  15 

afflictive,  but  not  all — this  was  the  work  of  man.  My 
mother  was  to  be  tried  more,  the  very  next  winter  was 
the  most  painful,  for  in  that  winter  two  fine  sons  were 
drowned.1  You  have  often  heard  me  speak  of  them — 
they  were  two  and  four  years  older  than  myself — this 
loss  my  mother  moarned  the  rest  of  her  days.  The  next 
summer  everything  was  stript  and  torn  from  us.  ... 
Economy  was  the  grand  order,  but  my  mother  could  not 
willingly  give  up  her  former  appearance,  her  society 
was  courted,  all  who  had  ever  known  her  was  desirous 
of  her  acquaintance.  While  her  furnature  was  sold 
in  her  own  house,  and  the  very  chair  on  which  she  sat, 
bid  of  from  her  purchase.  She  bore  it  well,  and  never 
put  herself  down  by  losing  her  dignity.  All  this  was 
hard,  but  the  hardest  was  to  come.  We  had  to  loose 
this  mother.  After  strugling  thro  these  times  of  deep 
distress,  the  war  closed,  a  fair  prospect  was  before  us 
that  we  should  be  happy,  but  a  violent  feaver  overtook 
this  frail  body,  she  had  not  strength  to  overcome  the 
diseas.  .  .  .  Your  Aunt  Sever  and  I  took  the  family. 
.  .  .  She  was  then  [after  two  years]  married.  I  could 
no  more  visit  her  than  if  I  was  a  mother  of  a  family. 
.  .  .  Your  father  had  become  our  minister.  I  was 
pleased  with  him  and  while  our  affairs  was  in  this 
poverty  struck  state,  I  might,  or  I  might  not  be  your 
father's  wife.  I  had  been  tried  in  so  many  ways.  I 
found  there  was  no  certainty  in  riches,  trouble  would 
come  and  it  might  be  softened  by  the  quiet  life  I  might 

1  December  16,  1775,  Benjamin  and  Francis  Chandler,  four 
teen  and  twelve  years  old,  were  drowned  while  skating.  (The 
Chandler  Family.) 


16  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-1813 

leed  with  a  clergeman — much  to  the  disappointment  of 
my  brothers  they  thought  I  could  find  some  one  to 
give  me  a  better  living,  and  was  very  desireous  to  have 
me  give  it  up.  It  is  not  easy  for  a  young  girl  to  give  up 
an  object  where  she  considers  her  highest  happiness 
depends,  at  the  same  moment  let  me  be  understood  I 
had  no  property  nor  was  it  known  that  there  ever  would 
be  any.  Even  my  mother's  thirds  had  not  been  given 
to  us,  so  you  notice,  money  was  not  the  object,  if  it  was 
affection  I  hope  I  have  not  been  deficient  in  my  best 
endeavors  to  prove  my  constant  desire  to  promote  his 
happiness,  and  save  his  interest — it  has  always  been  my 
first  object  to  see  him  happy — none  but  a  parent  can 
tell  the  joy  he  expressed  on  the  birth  of  Henry — nor 
how  happy  I  was  when  I  had  a  half  douzen  children 
standing  round  me  for  their  breakfast  and  supper  con 
sisted  of  rye  bread  tested,  the  fragments  of  cold  coffee 
boyled  and  put  on  milk.  I  always  did  it  with  my  own 
hands,  they  as  cheerful  and  satisfied  as  if  it  was  a 
dainty,  for  why?  Because  mother  gave  it  them — at 
dinner  my  children  always  dined  with  us — cheap  soup 
or  pudding  would  be  generally  seen.  Count  Rumford's 
book  was  of  much  use  to  me.  I  learn'd  many  cheap 
dishes  and  made  them  satisfactory  to  my  family — I 
was  grateful  for  the  bright  prospect  the  children  as  they 
advanced  for  their  readiness  to  learn  and  the  very  great 
love  they  show  their  mother.  .  .  .  ' 

Aaron  Bancroft  and  Lucretia  Chandler  were  married 
in  1786.  They  both  died  nearly  fifty-three  years  later, 
in  1839.  The  end  came  first  to  Mrs.  Bancroft.  It 


AARON  BANCROFT 

Father  of  George  Bancroft 
Front  a  miniature  in  the  possession  of  Professor  Wilder  D.  Bat 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  17 

has  been  seen  that  her  husband,  who  two  months 
earlier  had  preached  his  last  sermon,  then  took  to 
his  house  and  never  left  it  for  the  four  remaining 
months  of  his  life.  Such  parents  must  needs  produce 
a  remarkable  family.  The  number  of  their  children, 
thirteen,  was  less  remarkable  then  than  it  would  be 
now.  George  Bancroft  was  the  fourth  son  and  eighth 
child. 

Of  his  brothers,  the  eldest,  Henry,  died  at  the  age  of 
thirty,  yet  after  having  won  distinction  as  an  East 
Indian  sea-captain  and  sailing-master  on  one  of  Mac- 
Donough's  vessels  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Champlain. 
The  second  son,  John  Chandler,  also  followed  the  sea 
and  was  lost  on  a  voyage  at  the  age  of  thirty-two. 
Three  of  the  other  children  died  in  infancy.  The 
eldest  daughter,  Eliza,  married  "Honest  John"  Davis, 
who  became  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  United 
States  Senator.  Three  of  their  five  sons  were  Judge 
J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis,  General  Hasbrook  Davis  and 
Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis.  Another  daughter  of 
Aaron  and  Lucretia  Bancroft,  Jane  Putnam,  the 
recipient  of  the  letter  just  quoted,  became  the  mother  of 
Admiral  (Aaron)  Bancroft  Gherardi.  To  Bancroft's 
sister  Lucretia  (Mrs.  Welcome  Farnum)  he  was  greatly 
indebted,  through  the  whole  course  of  his  work  as  a 
writer,  for  acute  and  sympathetic  criticism  upon  manu 
scripts  and  proofs.  The  "rye  bread  tosted,  the  frag 
ments  of  cold  coffee  boyled  and  put  on  milk"  were  dis 
pensed  by  the  happy  mother  to  a  rarely  potential  group 
of  children. 

The  traditions  of  George  Bancroft's  boyhood  are 


18  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-1813 

scanty.  There  is  the  record1  that  the  mother  of  his 
playmate,  Stephen  Salisbury,  had  a  poor  opinion  of 
him.  "I  was  a  wild  boy,"  Bancroft  is  reported  to  have 
said  late  in  life  to  a  cousin  of  this  friend  of  his  youth, 
"  and  your  aunt  did  not  like  me.  She  was  always  fearful 
that  I  would  get  her  son  into  bad  ways,  and  still  more 
alarmed  lest  I  should  some  day  be  the  cause  of  his 
being  brought  home  dead.  There  was  a  river,  or  piece 
of  water,  near  Worcester,  where  I  used  to  beguile  young 
Salisbury,  and  having  constructed  a  rude  sort  of  raft, 
he  and  I  would  pass  a  good  deal  of  our  playtime  in 
aquatic  amusements,  not  by  any  means  unattended  by 
danger.  Madam's  remonstrances  were  all  in  vain,  and 
she  was  more  and  more  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  I 
was  a  'wild,  bad  boy.'  However,  nothing  beyond  an 
occasional  wetting  ever  occurred,  yet  I  never  rose  in  her 
estimation,  and  a  'wild  boy'  I  continued  to  be  up  to 
manhood."2  More  prophetic  of  the  future,  the  article 
in  which  this  opinion  is  recorded  tells  also  that  when 
Bancroft  "was  only  six  years  old,  his  father  referred  to 
him  a  question  in  Roman  history  over  which  the  great 
chief  justice,  Theophilus  Parsons,  and  a  friend  were 
disputing."  In  another  magazine  article,3  for  which 
Bancroft  himself  supplied  much  of  the  material,  Pro 
fessor  Sloane  describes  his  meagre  earliest  schooling: 
"His  school  life  at  Worcester  is  scarcely  worthy  of 

1  See  "Homes  and  Haunts  of  George  Bancroft,"  by  Alfred  S. 
Roe.  New  England  Magazine,  October,  1900. 

2  See  "An  Hour  with  George  Bancroft,"  by  Charles  K.  Tucker- 
man.     Magazine  of  American  History,  March,  1891. 

3  See  "George  Bancroft— In  Society,  in  Politics,  in  Letters," 
by  William  M.  Sloane.     The  Century  Magazine,  January,  1887. 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  19 

mention,  so  unsatisfactory  was  the  instruction.  His 
father's  home  was  on  a  farm  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the 
town  in  one  direction,  and  Nelson's  school,  the  only 
one  of  any  repute,  at  the  extreme  opposite  corner,  so 
that  from  eight  to  eleven  his  daily  tasks  were  begun  and 
ended  by  a  walk  of  more  than  two  miles.  When,  at 
eleven,  he  left  home  for  Exeter,  he  found  himself, 
thanks  to  a  friend  of  his  father's  who  read  Caesar 
with  him,  on  a  level  of  attainments  with  his  fellows." 

At  Phillips  Academy,  in  Exeter,  New  Hampshire, 
George  Bancroft  was  to  receive  his  two  years  of 
special  preparation  for  Harvard  College.  The  prin 
cipal  of  the  school,  Dr.  Benjamin  Abbot,  was  one  of  the 
great  teachers,  in  the  days  before  great  schools,  who 
impressed  themselves  indelibly  upon  the  lives  of  their 
young  pupils.  When  in  1870  Bancroft,  minister  at 
Berlin,  wrote  to  a  trustee  of  the  Phillips  Exeter  Academy 
about  a  scholarship  he  was  planning  to  endow,  he  said : 
"A  schoolboy  is  forgotten  in  the  places  of  his  haunts, 
but  for  himself  he  can  never  forget  them.  Exeter  is 
dear  to  me  for  the  veneration  in  which  I  hold  Dr. 
Abbot,  my  incomparable  preceptor,  and  for  the  helping 
hand  extended  to  me  by  its  endowments."  In  1883, 
when  he  presided  at  the  centennial  dinner  of  the  school, 
he  said  of  his  master:  "In  the  time  that  I  was  under 
his  care  I  cannot  recall  from  any  pupil  a  saying  about 
him  that  was  not  full  of  respect.  To-day,  though  it  is 
seventy  years  since  I  passed  from  his  care,  my  heart 
warms  with  affection  as  I  recall  his  name."  In  Pro 
fessor  Sloane's  article  the  subordinate  teachers  are 
touched  upon :  "  His  other  master  was  Hildreth,  father 


20  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-1813 

of  the  historian,  a  notable  teacher,  strong  and  sug 
gestive,  but  at  times  severe  and  harsh.  With  the  other 
masters,  Fuller  and  Ware,1  he  had  little  intercourse 
and  no  tasks,  although  he  always  found  a  welcome  and 
good  wholesome  talk  in  Fuller's  room  when  he  cared  to 
visit  him  in  the  evening." 

The  influence  of  a  powerful  master  was  the  more 
powerful  because  the  school  itself  was  small  and 
frugally  equipped.  When  Bancroft  came  to  Exeter  all 
tuition  was  free,  and  certain  pupils,  of  whom  Bancroft 
became  one,  were  special  beneficiaries  from  the  funds 
with  which  John  Phillips  had  endowed  the  school. 
It  was  during  Bancroft's  first  year  at  Exeter  that  a  tui 
tion  fee  of  three  dollars  a  quarter  was  first  collected. 
So  narrow  were  the  means  of  the  Bancroft  family  that 
the  schoolboy  is  said  to  have  paid  no  visits  to  Worcester 
through  the  two  years  of  his  life  at  Exeter.  The  holi 
days  were  passed  at  Portsmouth  with  his  father's  friend, 
the  Rev.  Nathan  Parker,  at  whose  ordination  in  the 
Portsmouth  parish  Aaron  Bancroft  had  preached  the 
sermon,  September  14,  1808.  To  this  friend  we  are 
indebted  for  a  glimpse  of  George  Bancroft  soon  after 
his  establishment  at  Exeter: 

From  NATHAN  PARKER  to  AARON  BANCROFT. 

"PORTSMOUTH,  Oct.  10,  1811. 

"I  have  this  day  made  a  visit  at  Exeter,  and  spent 
an  hour  with  George.  I  found  him  in  good  health,  and 
perfectly  satisfied  with  his  situation.  He  appears  to 

1  Henry  Horton  Fuller  and  Henry  Ware. 


LUCRETIA    BANCROFT 

Mother  of  George  Bancroft 
Front  a   miniature  in  the  possession  of  Andrew  McFarla 


1800-1813]   INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  21 

enter  into  the  studies  which  he  is  pursuing  with  ardour 
and  laudible  ambition,  which  gives  promise  of  distinc 
tion,  and  which  must  be  peculiarly  grateful  to  a  parent. 
I  conversed  with  him  on  his  studies,  and  found  him  very 
ready  to  make  discriminating  remarks;  and  as  much 
as  I  expected  from  him,  I  was  supprized  at  the  intelli 
gence,  with  which  he  conversed,  and  the  maturity  of 
mind,  which  he  discovered.  He  said  that  he  was 
classed  with  students  much  older  than  he,  among  whom 
was  Holman  of  your  neighborhood,  and  that  when  they 
took  their  rank  according  to  merit  he  was  placed  at  the 
head.  I  found  that  he  had  become  acquainted  with 
the  distinctions  which  are  conferred  on  those  who 
excelled,  and  was  desirous  of  obtaining  them.  I  was 
much  pleased  with  the  zeal,  which  he  discovered  on  this 
subject.  He  said  there  were  prizes  distributed  every 
year,  or  every  term,  (I  forget  which)  to  those,  who 
excelled  in  particular  studies.  He  expressed  a  great 
desire  to  obtain  one,  but  said  he  was  afraid  he  should 
not  succeed,  for  he  was  the  youngest  but  three  in  the 
academy,  and  he  did  not  think  he  should  gain  a  prize; 
but  he  would  try.  These  you  may  say  are  trifling 
things;  but  they  discover  a  disposition  of  mind,  with 
which  I  think  you  must  be  gratified. 

"I  made  inquiries  of  Mr.  Abbot  concerning  him.  He 
observed  that  he  was  a  very  fine  lad ;  that  he  appeared 
to  have  the  stamina  of  a  distinguished  man,  that  he  took 
his  rank  among  the  first  scholars  in  the  academy;  and  that 
he  wished  I  would  send  him  half  a  dozen  such  boys. 

"I  feel  extremely  gratified,  that  I  am  able  to  give  you 
so  good  an  account  of  George;  and  that  you  have  so 


22  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [isoo-1813 

much  reason  to  hope,  that  he  will  be  an  honour  and  a 
comfort  to  his  parents  and  friends.  It  is  my  most  hearty 
prayer,  that  he  may  continue  to  deserve  the  love  of  all, 
who  are  interested  in  his  improvement;  and  that  the 
hopes  of  parental  affection  may  be  fully  gratified. 

"I  expect  him  to  spend  a  few  days  with  me  on 
thanksgiving  week;  and  hope  that  he  will  gratify  me 
by  spending  with  me  the  next  vacation.  If  there  be 
any  thing  in  which  I  can  be  useful  to  him,  you  will 
confer  a  favour  by  informing  me  of  it.  ... " 

It  was  in  one  of  the  vacations  at  Portsmouth  that 
Bancroft  heard  Webster,  not  yet  upon  the  national 
stage,  deliver  an  Independence  Day  oration.  This, 
it  may  be  assumed,  was  Webster's  address  to  the 
"Washington  Benevolent  Society"  of  Portsmouth  on 
July  4,  1812,  his  first  important  political  utterance, 
which  led  to  his  appointment  as  a  delegate  to  the  Rock- 
ingham  convention  where  he  was  first  nominated  for 
Congress.  Bancroft's  remembrance,  recorded  in  Pro 
fessor  Sloane's  paper,  that  Webster  made  no  "gesture 
whatever  except  that  once  he  placed  his  right  hand  over 
his  heart,"  may  be  taken  to  indicate  the  boy's  capacity 
to  receive  and  retain  an  impression. 

At  school  in  1812  we  find  Bancroft  fulfilling  the  ex 
pectations  of  those  who  believed  in  him,  and  attaining 
his  own  desires;  for  he  "carried  off  the  prize  of  four 
dollars,  as  the  scholar  who  most  distinguished  himself 
in  constancy  and  parsing  the  Greek  and  Latin  lan 
guages.  His  reward  appears  to  have  been  given  him  in 
the  form  of  a  book,  'Elements  of  Criticism';  and  it 


1800-1813]  INHERITANCE  AND  BOYHOOD  23 

may  be  inferred  from  his  subsequent  career  that  he 
made  good  use  of  it."1  That  he  was,  moreover,  a 
member  of  the  "Washington  Whites,"  a  school  military 
company  formed  for  the  local  celebration  of  the  obse 
quies  of  Washington  and  surviving  till  1818,  is  another 
bit  of  school  tradition  worth  preserving.  The  more  im 
portant  fact  is  that  in  1813,  a  little  before  reaching  the 
age  of  thirteen,  he  passed  from  Exeter  into  the  freshman 
class  of  Harvard  College. 

1  See  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  in  New  Hampshire.     A  Historical 
Sketch.     By  Charles  H.  Bell.     Exeter,  N.  H.,  1883. 


II 

PREPARATION  AT  HOME  AND  ABROAD 

1813—1822 

BANCROFT  entered  Harvard  College  three  years  after 
President  Kirkland  became  its  head.  This  was  a 
fortunate  time.  Activity  and  expansion  were  in  the 
air.  The  historian  of  the  college  has  written:  "The 
early  period  of  the  administration  of  President  Kirkland 
was  preeminently  distinguished  by  bold,  original,  and  in 
many  respects  successful  endeavours  to  elevate  the 
standard  of  education  in  the  University,  and  to  extend 
the  means  of  instruction  and  multiply  accommoda 
tions  in  every  department."1  The  catalogue  of  im 
provement  includes  the  building  of  Holworthy,  Uni 
versity  and  Divinity  Halls,  and  the  Medical  College  in 
Boston;  the  extensive  repairing  of  Holden  Chapel, 
Harvard,  Stoughton,  Hollis  and  Massachusetts  Halls; 
the  enlargement  of  the  library,  the  raising  of  salaries, 
the  addition  of  fifteen  professorships  to  the  ten  pre 
viously  in  existence.  Yet  in  attendance  the  college 
did  not  rapidly  outgrow  the  proportions  of  an  academy. 
Between  1813  and  1817,  when  Bancroft  received  his 

1  History  of  Harvard  University.  By  Josiah  Quincy.  Vol.  II, 
p.  333. 

24 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  25 

bachelor's  degree,  the  greatest  number  of  under 
graduates  was  315,  in  1814,  the  smallest  number,  279, 
in  1815.  Thus,  as  in  every  small  college  before  and 
since,  the  learners  and  the  teachers  were  brought  into 
intimate  relationship. 

The  little  faculty  did  not  abound  in  men  whose  names 
have  endured.  In  the  catalogue  for  Bancroft's  fresh 
man  year,  the  name  of  Edward  Everett  appears;  he 
was  then  tutor  in  Latin.  Again  in  Bancroft's  junior 
and  senior  years  Everett  was  professor  of  Greek 
Literature.  Throughout  Bancroft's  course  the  Rev. 
Andrews  Norton  was  librarian,  and  for  the  last  two 
years  Dexter  lecturer  on  Biblical  Criticism.  Jared 
Sparks  and  John  Gorham  Palfrey  appear  as  resident 
graduates  in  Bancroft's  senior  year,  and  in  his  one  year 
as  resident  graduate — the  period  in  which  one  holding 
the  bachelor's  and  studying  for  the  master's  degree  was 
dignified  by  the  title  of  Sir,  as  "Sir  Bancroft  "—Palfrey 
was  a  proctor  and  Sparks  a  tutor  in  Geometry,  Natural 
Philosophy  and  the  Elements  of  Astronomy.  But 
neither  with  these  future  fellow-historians  nor  yet  with 
his  classmates — among  whom  were  Samuel  A.  Eliot, 
perhaps  his  most  intimate  college  friend,  Stephen  Salis 
bury,  the  Worcester  schoolmate  to  whom  allusion  has 
been  made,  Caleb  Gushing,  Samuel  Joseph  May  and 
Stephen  Higginson  Tyng — does  he  appear  to  have  come 
in  contact  so  much  as  with  a  few  members  of  the  teach 
ing  force.  What  Dr.  Peabody  wrote  of  the  decade  after 
Bancroft's  undergraduate  days  was  doubtless  true  in 
his  time:  "The  students  certainly  considered  the 
Faculty  as  their  natural  enemies.  There  existed  be- 


26  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

tween  the  two  parties  very  little  of  kindly  intercourse, 
and  that  little  generally  secret.  If  a  student  went  un- 
summoned  to  a  teacher's  room  it  was  almost  always 
by  night."1  In  these  circumstances  the  genuine  friend 
ships  which  Bancroft  formed  with  President  Kirkland, 
with  Everett  and  with  Norton,  are  the  more  noteworthy. 
The  six  years  between  Bancroft  and  Everett  must  have 
seemed  a  wide  space  to  the  undergraduate,  and  the 
fourteen  years  of  Norton's  seniority  a  chasm.  Yet 
the  boy  developed  early  a  quality  of  maturity  which 
empowered  him  to  meet  his  accomplished  elders 
on  terms  of  equality.  Many  evidences  of  it  will  appear 
in  the  records  of  his  student  days  in  Europe.  That 
his  own  contemporaries  discovered  this  quality  and 
epitomised  it,  with  the  unerring  instinct  of  their  kind,  in 
a  nickname,  appears  in  a  passage  from  a  letter  to  Norton 
(16  September,  1821),  in  which  Bancroft  announced  the 
winning  of  his  doctor's  degree  at  Gottingen.  "Yes, 
Dear  Sir,  of  a  verity  the  name  which  my  comrades  at 
Exeter  gave  me  in  playful  good  nature,  and  which  fol 
lowed  me  to  Cambridge,2  has  now  been  made  over  to  me 
according  to  the  strictest  forms  of  the  University  and 
the  statutes  of  the  philosophical  faculty,  and  now  from 
one  end  of  the  town  to  the  other  the  words  to  my  ears 
so  enchanting,  Doctor,  Herr  Doctor,  are  cried  out  to 
me  by  friends  and  foes,  men  and  women,  tradesmen 
and  mechanics  and  beggars."  Bancroft's  letters  from 

1  Harvard    Reminiscences.      By    Andrew    Preston    Peabody. 
p.  200. 

2  Letters  of  1818  from  S.  A.  Eliot  in  Cambridge  to  Bancroft  in 
Gottingen  begin,  "Dear  Doctor." 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  27 

Europe  to  his  three  older  friends,  Kirkland,  Norton  and 
Everett,  abound  in  tokens  of  the  debt  with  which  their 
affectionate  interest  in  him  enriched  his  undergraduate 
days. 

For  Bancroft's  routine  of  life  and  work  at  Cambridge 
there  is  not  much  to  show.  The  College  catalogue 
records  that  his  rooms  were  successively  at  "Captain 
Dana's/'  at  Massachusetts  16,  Stoughton  22,  Hoi- 
worthy  4,  and  in  his  resident  graduate  year  in  the  house 
of  Professor  Levi  Hedge,  whose  eminent  son,  Frederic 
Henry  Hedge,  was  soon  to  receive  under  Bancroft's  di 
rection  his  German  preparation  for  Harvard  College.  A 
faded  note-book,  preserving  some  of  Bancroft's  college 
exercises  in  composition,  the  earliest  piece  of  his  writing 
to  fall  into  my  hands,  has  for  its  appropriate  beginning, 
dated  25  February,  1815,  a  discussion  of  Dimidium 
facti,  qui  cepit,  habet.  "In  this  sententious  maxim," 
the  theme  opens,  "has  Horace  the  Prince  of  lyrick 
poetry  presented  to  our  view  the  difficulty  of  beginning. 
But  why  is  it  as  arduous  to  begin,  as  to  complete  an 
enterprise?"  Thus  does  the  boy,  four  months  be 
yond  fourteen,  enter  upon  the  career  of  writing  which 
is  to  fill  nearly  all  of  his  ninety-one  years.  Two 
months  later  he  draws  a  discouraging  comparison 
between  the  reading  of  fiction  and  of  works  of 
morality.  "The  wonderful  exploits  of  a  visionary 
hero  excite  a  deeper  interest  than  the  brilliant  actions 
of  illustrious  generals;  and  many  are  delighted  with 
the  beauties  of  the  'Scottish  Chiefs,'  while  they  de 
rive  no  pleasure  from  'Christian  Morals."3  On  the 
anniversary  of  Bunker  Hill  his  exercise  is  in  verse, 


30  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

served,  it  is  not  necessary  to  rely  entirely  upon  a  con 
temporary  opinion.  The  concluding  paragraph,  redo 
lent  of  the  commencement  platform,  may  speak  for  the 
whole:  "Those  who  have  engaged  in  the  study  of 
mind,  have  never  shrunk  from  their  labours.  On  the 
contrary  they  have  become  more  and  more  enamoured 
of  the  science.  They  have  willingly  immolated  on  its 
shrine  all  their  hopes  of  worldly  honours  and  emolu 
ments.  The  danger  is  not  that  they  will  find  their 
employment  disgusting,  but  that  it  will  too  much  en 
gross  their  attention.  The  man  who  has  been  intro 
duced  to  the  wonders  and  glories  and  pleasures  of  in 
tellect  feels  himself  elevated  above  the  common  sphere 
of  mankind.  He  lives  in  an  upper  world  and  contem 
plates  with  calm  indifference  the  labours  of  ordinary 
men,  as  of  inferior  beings,  like  the  majestick  eagle,  who, 
heedless  of  the  croakings  of  the  ravens  below,  rises  on 
his  ample  wing, 


'Sailing  with  supreme  dominion 
Through  the  azure  deep  of  air.' 


The  most  important  part  of  the  preparation  for 
Bancroft's  work  in  life  was  yet  to  come — in  his  four 
years  of  foreign  study.  When  he  heard  in  1828  of 
President  Kirkland's  resignation,  he  wrote  to  him  a 
letter  from  which  these  words  are  taken:  "And  among 
the  results  of  your  career  I  hope  you  will  not  be  un 
willing  to  count  the  labours  and  efforts  of  those  whose 
efforts,  if  they  are  of  value,  derive  that  value  originally 
from  yourself.  To  that  number  I  belong.  To  you, 
and  to  you  altogether,  and  to  you  alone  do  I  hold  my- 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  31 

self  indebted  for  all  that  renders  my  life  useful  and 
honourable."1  That  Bancroft  had  in  mind  especially  the 
circumstances  which  gave  him  his  term  of  foreign  study 
may  be  inferred  from  the  following  letter  written  to  Mr. 
Lodge  nearly  fifty  years  later,  telling  also  of  the  further 
influences  to  which  the  young  student  was  indebted: 

To  MR.  LODGE. 

"WASHINGTON,  12  June,  1877. 

"The  proposition  to  me  to  go- to  Europe  came  to  me 
from  Dr.  Kirkland;  Edward  Everett  having  in  general 
terms  recommended  that  some  one  should  follow  him  at 
Gottingen.  My  father  had  the  most  implicit  confidence 
in  the  judgment  of  Mr.  George  Cabot,  and  being  in 
Boston  in  the  spring  of  1818  at  the  annual  meeting  of 
the  Massachusetts  Congregational  clergy,  could  not 
forbear  asking  his  opinion  of  what  it  would  be  best  for 
me  to  do.  Mr.  Cabot  emphatically  advised  that  the 
offer  should  be  accepted;  he  had  no-  doubt  about  it. 
His  opinion  was  positive  and  clear;  without  reservation 
or  qualification.  So  my  father  told  me.  This  consulta 
tion  and  answer  encouraged ;  but  I,  like  Mr.  Cabot,  had 
never  had  a  moment  of  hesitation. 

"About  the  same  time  Mr.  Andrews  Norton,  who 
was  writing  an  article  for  the  North  American  Review 
on  Franklin  and  was  inclined  to  believe  certain  stories 
about  him  that  were  circulated  under  the  pretended 
authority  of  John  Adams,  resolved  to  go  and  make 
enquiries  directly  of  the  venerable  patriot  of  Quincy. 
Mr.  Norton  who  at  that  time  was  as  much  attached  to 

1  From  letter  lent  by  the  Hon.  H.  C.  Lodge. 


32  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

me  as  it  was  possible  for  one  of  his  years  to  be  to  one  of 
mine,  took  me  one  fine  morning  with  him  on  his  ex 
cursion.  Imagine  what  a  boon  it  was  for  me  to  pass 
a  long  afternoon  and  part  of  an  evening  with  John 
Adams.  Mr.  Norton  pressed  him  with  enquiries  about 
Franklin;  the  old  man  put  them  aside;  .  .  .  Mr. 
Norton  could  not  extract  from  him  one  single  disparag 
ing  word  about  Franklin.  •  I  was  introduced  to  Mr. 
Adams  as  one  about  to  repair  to  the  University  of 
Gottingen.  He  did  not  omit  expressing  his  opinion 
dogmatically  that  it  was  best  for  Americans  to  be  edu 
cated  in  their  own  country.1  .  .  ." 

The  fashion  of  foreign  study  for  young  Americans 
with  teaching  or  preaching  ahead  of  them  was  just 
beginning  to  prevail.  Ticknor  and  Cogswell,  besides 
Everett,  afforded  shining  examples  of  what  a  young  man 
of  promise,  in  Bancroft's  immediate  academic  circle, 
might  well  do  with  himself.  With  Bancroft,  however, 
the  question  was  rather  what  those  who  believed  in  him 
would  do  with  him,  for  the  family  purse  had  grown  no 
more  adequate  to  the  occasion  than  in  the  school  days, 
when  he  shunned  even  the  expense  of  coming  home  for 
his  vacations.  It  was  his  good  fortune  to  have  proved 
his  abilities  to  Everett,  who  must  have  taught  him  both 
Latin  and  Greek;  to  have  won  so  much  of  Norton's  re 
gard  that  a  year  after  he  had  gone  to  Europe,  this  older 
friend  addressed  him,  "My  dear  representative  of  the 

1  For  a  fuller  account  of  this  meeting,  see  Century  Magazine, 
July,  1887.  "An  Incident  in  the  Life  of  John  Adams,"  by 
George  Bancroft. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  33 

better  part  of  human  nature,  as  I  believe  I  once  told  you 
that  you  are;"  and,  best  of  all,  to  have  secured  the  con 
fidence  and  support  of  President  Kirkland  himself. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Kirkland,  in  providing 
Bancroft  with  the  means  for  meeting  his  expenses 
abroad,  looked  upon  his  studies  as  preparatory  for  the 
ministry.  That  the  President  had  also  in  mind  the 
possibility  of  utilising  for  purposes  of  instruction  the 
learning  which  Bancroft  should  bring  back  with  him 
from  Germany  may  be  inferred  from  the  "Extract  from 
President  Kirkland's  letter  of  introduction  to  Professor 
Eichhorn,"  which  Bancroft  copied  into  the  note-book 
containing  his  early  themes:  "They  [his  friends]  wish 
him  to  attend  especially  to  philology,  the  ancient  lan 
guages  and  Oriental  literature,  that  he  may  thus  be 
qualified  to  pursue  theological  studies  to  the  greatest 
benefit,  to  give  instruction  as  any  opening  may  occur  and 
invite,  and  become  an  accomplished  philologian  and 
biblical  critic,  able  to  expound  and  defend  the  Revela 
tion  of  God."  In  the  Records  of  Overseers  of  Harvard 
College1  there  is  the  entry  under  June  25, 1818 :  "  Voted, 
that  Mr.  George  Bancroft,  about  to  go  abroad  to  pursue 
his  theological  studies,  be  entitled  to  receive  a  moiety 
of  the  proceeds  of  Madam  Mary  Saltonstall's  donation, 
for  the  year  beginning,  1  July,  1818."  Subsequent 
records  of  similar  purport  up  to  November  of  1821,  de 
fine  him  as  a  "student  of  (or  in)  divinity."  The  sums 
which  the  college  funds  provided  were  evidently  supple 
mented  from  private  sources  to  which  President  Kirk 
land  could  appeal  to  good  purpose.  From  whatever 

1  Vol.  VI,  p.  282,  Harvard  College  Library. 


34  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

sources  the  income  was  derived,  and  to  whatever  ends 
its  donors  expected  to  see  its  fruits  devoted,  there  is  the 
clear  entry  in  the  note-book  already  drawn  upon: 
"Left  Boston,  June  27th,  1818."  If  there  is  no  record 
of  the  partings  from  his  family  at  Worcester  and  from 
his  true  friends  at  Cambridge,  the  hopes  and  confidence 
which  followed  the  young  adventurer  into  the  ancient 
fields  of  learning  surely  require  no  proofs.  The  mental 
capacity  and  force  of  character  which  awaited  the  de 
velopment  of  opportunity  and  circumstance,  were  travel 
ling  companions  to  whose  care  he  could  be  safely 
committed. 

For  the  four  years  now  about  to  ensue,  Bancroft's 
profuse  diaries  and  frequent  letters  to  kinsfolk  and 
friends  preserve  a  minute  record  of  his  experiences,  im 
pressions  and  plans.  Abridged  as  they  are,  the  records 
here  given  may  seem  disproportionate  to  the  annals 
of  other  periods  of  his  life.  But  they  reveal  a  youth  so 
extraordinary  as  to  justify  a  generous  chapter.  Here, 
as  wherever  else  it  is  possible  in  the  course  of  Bancroft's 
career,  he  shall  tell  his  own  story. 

From  Leyden  he  wrote  on  August  4,  1818,  to  Edward 
Everett,  acknowledging  the  letters  of  introduction  and 
advice  which  awaited  him  at  Amsterdam,  and  setting 
forth  some  of  his  plans  of  study.  "The  kindness  of 
friends,"  says  this  letter,  "places  at  my  disposal  $700 
per  ann.  At  Gottingen  Dr.  K[irkland]  assured  me, 
that  $500  or  perhaps  less  would  place  me  in  a  respecta 
ble  and  comfortable  situation  for  a  year."  From  The 
Hague  on  August  6th  he  wrote  to  Andrews  Norton, 
telling  of  his  safe  arrival  in  Holland  on  the  last  day  of 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  35 

July,  and  describing  a  visit  to  Professor  Bake  in  Leyden. 
"To-morrow,"  he  writes  before  an  affectionate  con 
clusion,  "I  depart  for  Gottingen.  Surely  a  residence 
of  three  years  among  a  new  people  must  much  change 
my  manners  and  habits  and  character.  If  it  makes  me 
unworthy  of  your  extreme  and  kind  regards,  I  believe 
there  are  some,  who  love  me  enough  to  regret  it;  but  by 
none  would  it  be  so  much  lamented  as  by  myself." 
Through  longer  extracts  from  letters  and  journals  we 
may  now  follow  his  course. 

To  PKESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"GOTTINGEN,  August  15,  1818. 

"  Dearest  Sir :  Last  night  after  meeting  with  rather  more 
than  the  usual  vexations,  to  which  travellers  are  exposed, 
I  found  myself  fairly  arrived  at  the  city  of  the  Georgia 
Augusta.  It  is  said,  that  the  virtues  of  life  can  be  exer 
cised  only  in  society,  but  I  think  a  voyage  at  sea  affords 
a  fine  opportunity  for  cultivating  the  Christian  virtues  of 
patience  and  resignation,  and  travelling  in  the  public 
coaches  of  Germany  would  learn  any  one  to  bear  a 
lingering  disease  without  a  shrug  or  a  sigh.  .  .  . 

"As  I  drew  near  Gottingen  the  rumours  of  blood  and 
war  in  the  city  made  me  tremble  not  a  little.  A  few 
days  ago,  one  of  the  fraternity  feeling  himself  insulted 
by  a  butcher,  after  an  ineffectual  complaint  to  the 
Prorector  of  the  University,  cried  out  to  his  fellows  for 
revenge.  Immediately  they  rushed  forth  to  attack  the 
audacious  man,  who  had  presumed  to  bring  his  hand  in 
too  close  contact  with  the  scholar's  ear.  The  poor 


36  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

creature  with  his  family  hid  themselves  in  the  cellar, 
while  the  members  of  the  first  University  in  Europe 
nobly  demonstrated  upon  his  windows  that  the  particles 
which  constitute  glass,  have  less  cohesive  attraction 
than  those  of  stone.  To  restore  order  soldiers  are  called 
in  from  Hanover.  These  the  students,  armed  with 
nothing  but  canes,  spiritedly  attacked,  and  defeated, 
but  gave  way  to  a  reinforcement  of  infantry.  Several 
were  severely  wounded,  but  no  lives  were  lost.  For  the 
vanquished  nothing  remained  but  to  desert  the  city,  and 
this  they  did  in  a  body.  Twelve  hundred  at  once  de 
parted,  proclaiming  as  they  marched  away,  the  Philis 
tines  shall  mourn.  And  truly  the  Philistines  (i.  e.  the 
inhabitants  of  G.)  find  that  their  loss  amounts  to  at  least 
SI, 500  daily.  I  find  sorrow  sitting  upon  every  counte 
nance.  It  would  seem,  as  if  they  had  been  robbed  of 
their  possessions  and  children.  .  .  . 

"What  my  immediate  occupations  are  to  be  I  cannot 
yet  decide.  The  first  month  or  two  must  be  passed 
.  .  .  [letter  torn]  the  German  language  for  conversation, 
and  in  making  myself  acquainted  with  the  place.  My 
plans  of  study  can  then  be  advantageously  formed,  and 
these  I  hope  in  a  few  weeks  to  communicate  to  you.  I 
need  not  say,  how  dear  to  me  any  words  from  you  would 
be,  nor  how  closely  any  instructions  from  you  would  be 
followed  by 

"Your  very  grateful  and  very  affectionate 

"GEO.  BANCROFT." 

"The  Gottingen  tumult  does  not  affect  me  in  the 
least,  except,  that  very  many  rooms  will  be  vacated,  and 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  37 

access  afforded  me  to  the  best  instructors.  Were  it 
not  for  this  commotion,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to 
obtain  a  room,  and  the  more  approved  masters  have  had 
all  their  hours  occupied.  I  shall  not  join  the  University 
till  Michaelmas,  the  beginning  of  the  next  term.  In  the 
meantime  Mr.  Benecke  will  be  my  only  Tutor." 

Bancroft's  journal  describes  the  beginning  of  his 
daily  routine: 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  15th  I  sallied  forth  to  deliver 
one  of  my  letters  of  introduction.  I  found  Mr.  Benecke, 
the  Patron  in  chief  of  all  students  who  speak  English 
only,  to  be  a  friendly  man,  of  about  fifty,  under  whose 
auspices  I  found  myself  two  days  after  established  in 
my  little  dominions.1  Under  his  care  I  study  the 
German  Language,  spending  an  hour  privatissime  each 
day  with  him;  and  it  was  at  first  quite  amusing  to  me 
to  see  how  careful  he  was  in  observing  the  second  when 
the  hour  had  elapsed,  and  how  uneasy  and  even  dis 
turbed  he  is  when  I  am  rude  enough  to  stay  a  moment 
beyond  the  time.  I  must  rise  and  fly  at  the  instant, 
when  the  hand  of  time  is  on  the  point  of  the  hour,  even 
if  in  the  midst  of  a  line,  aye,  or  of  a  long  word." 

The  presentation  of  letters  to  Gauss,  the  astronomer, 
and  Blumenbach,  the  physiologist,  took  place  within  a 
few  days.  By  each  the  new-comer  was  hospitably  re 
ceived.  Meanwhile  the  diary  records  diligent  reading 

1  A  letter  to  one  of  his  sisters  describes  his  two  comfortable 
rooms  "in  a  fine  wide  street,  the  first  in  the  city,"  his  simple  fare 
and  manner  of  life. 


38  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

of  Schiller  and  Goethe.  "I  am  only  more  and  more 
astonished  at  the  indecency  and  immorality  of  the  latter. 
He  appears  to  prefer  to  represent  vice  as  lovely  and 
exciting  sympathy,  than  virtue,  and  would  rather  take 
for  his  heroine  a  prostitute  or  a  profligate,  than  give 
birth  to  that  purity  of  thought  and  loftiness  of  soul, 
which  it  is  the  peculiar  duty  of  the  poet  to  raise,  by  con 
necting  his  inventions  with  the  actions  of  heroes,  and 
embodying  in  verse  the  merits  of  the  benefactors  of 
mankind." 

"August  30.  ...  This  evening  again  have  I  been 
with  Prof.  Blumenbach  and  family.  They  are  kind  to 
me  indeed.  The  Professor  spoke  of  Goethe.  He 
(Goethe)  is  a  large  stout  man  of  about  seventy,  fond 
of  amusement  and  mirth,  fonder  of  eating  and  drinking, 
and  notwithstanding  his  love  of  good  company  and  good 
living,  possessed  of  a  great  deal  of  majesty  and  form. 
Beside  his  works  in  poetry  and  belles-lettres,  he  has 
written  on  mineralogy,  on  botany,  and  lately  published 
a  very  voluminous  work  in  three  vols.  upon  optics. 
The  object  of  this  treatise  was  to  annihilate  Sir  Isaac 
Newton,  and  his  theory;  but,  alas!  it  fell  stillborn  from 
the  press,  excited  no  attention,  gained  not  even  one 
opposer,  call[ed]  forth  not  one  refutation.  The  re 
viewers  bestowed  only  five  or  six  lines  upon  it,  lamenting 
that  men  would  write  books  on  subjects  about  which 
they  are  profoundly  ignorant.  The  poor  man,  who  had 
hoped  to  crown  his  fame  by  this,  was  wofully  disap 
pointed  and  mortified. 

"Madame   B.,   in   whose  hands   I  had   put  Prof. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  39 

Frisbie's  Inaugural  Address,  expressed  great  and  real 
satisfaction  with  the  work,  particularly  admiring  and 
approving  the  remarks  upon  the  German  writers.  I 
had,  during  the  week,  received  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  Prof.  B.  from  Mr.  Everett,  which  was  charmingly 
written.  They  applauded  it  to  the  skies,  and  Fraulein 
B.  insisted  that  it  was  sehr  gottlich." 

"September  9.  ...  This  evening  I  for  the  first  time 
visited  Prof.  Dissen,  so  celebrated  for  his  learning  and 
genius.  He  is  a  short  man,  extremely  near-sighted, 
wonderfully  learned,  very  kind  and  obliging,  and  has  of 
fered  me  his  good  counsels,  whenever  I  shall  need  them. 
He  spoke  of  my  countryman  Prof.  Everett.  He  (Prof. 
E.),  when  here,  set  no  bounds  to  his  industry.  He 
allowed  himself  no  more  than  six  hours  for  sleep,  and 
devoted  the  whole  of  the  day  to  study.  At  first  he  em 
ployed  some  time  with  the  Oriental  Languages,  but 
afterwards  devoted  himself  almost  exclusively  to  philol 
ogy,  and  became  exceedingly  learned.  Besides  this, 
he  had  a  vast  number  of  acquaintances  in  Germany,  and 
during  the  vacations,  he  visited  the  principal  cities,  par 
ticularly  Weimar,  Dresden,  Berlin,  &c.  He  also  used 
the  very  best  instructors,  sparing  no  labour  or  expense  in 
improving  his  mind  and  acquiring  good  learning.  .  .  ." 

To  EDWARD  EVERETT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  September  12,  1818. 

"I  have  now  been  in  Gottingen  nearly  a  month,  and 
have  gained  some  insight  into  their  systems  of  study. 


40  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

For  a  knowledge  of  the  courses,  which  it  would  be  most 
advantageous  for  me  to  hear,  I  am  almost  exclusively 
indebted  to  your  last  letter  from  London.  The 
friends,  which  I  have  made  here  through  your  interces 
sions,  cannot  of  course  accommodate  their  advice  to 
my  particular  views  and  situation. 

"When  I  left  America  it  was  not  settled  very  definitely, 
what  plan  of  study  I  should  pursue.  In  general  it  was 
desired,  that  I  should  devote  myself  to  Philology  and 
Orientalism,  and  if  possible,  in  a  leisure  hou?,  attend 
such  other  courses,  as  would  afford  an  agreeable  re 
laxation.  All  more  particular  deliberation  could  better 
be  done,  after  arriving  at  the  University.  Now  that  I 
am  here,  and  find  the  intellectual  treasures  of  the  world 
collected  near  me,  and  the  most  learned  instructors 
around  me,  by  whose  labours  I  can  profit,  I  would 
gladly  make  such  a  use  of  these  advantages,  as  would 
enable  me  on  returning  home  to  act  an  useful  and  an 
honourable  part  in  society.  To  effect  this  it  is  necessary 
to  have  a  definite  aim;  and,  indeed,  to  pursue  anything 
to  advantage,  one  must  form  an  exact  and  compre 
hensive  plan. 

"On  stating  my  views  of  study  to  my  friends  here, 
they  told  me  I  had  better  at  once  arrange  the  manner, 
in  which  I  would  employ  myself  for  the  whole  time  of 
residing  here;  that  two  or  three  years  are  the  least 
number,  which  can  be  thought  of  by  one,  who  wishes  to 
make  a  respectable  progress  in  Philology;  and  that  the 
eastern  languages  would  furnish  one  labour  for  life. 
To  understand  the  Hebrew  Bible  thoroughly  and 
critically  two  or  three  other  languages  must  be  learned ; 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  41 

and  these  would  give  me  so  much  occupation  that 
philology  must  become  quite  a  secondary  affair.  Or, 
on  the  other  hand,  I  may  give  myself  up  to  classical 
literature,  and  at  the  same  time  resign  the  hope  of  doing 
much  at  interpreting  the  Scriptures.  A  question  then 
arises  in  my  mind,  whether  after  gaining  a  fair  degree  of 
acquaintance  with  the  Classics,  and  that  chiefly  in  view 
of  understanding  them,  I  should  not  strike  off  into  the 
wide  region  of  Oriental  literature  ? 

"In  deciding  on  this  point,  it  would  be  proper  to 
think  of  the  state  of  learning  among  us  at  Cambridge. 
Criticism  in  every  department  receives  little  enough 
attention ;  but  most  especially  in  relation  to  the  Eastern 
languages.  Of  the  forty  now  studying  theology  there, 
all  attend  a  little  Hebrew,  but  most  of  them  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  forget  it  again.  Of  the  twenty  or 
thirty  chapters,  which  they  read,  nothing  more  is  at 
tempted  than  by  the  help  of  the  Lexicon  to  make  the 
Original  and  the  English  agree.  The  Oriental  depart 
ment,  I  suppose,  would  open  a  fine  and  inexhaustible 
field  for  labour,  would  be  interesting  for  the  novelties 
it  presented,  would  give  knowledge  valuable  in  itself, 
necessary  to  accomplish  a  theologian,  and  much  wanted 
in  America.  But  it  must  also  be  remembered,  that  in 
America  this  branch  of  learning  is  very  little  esteemed, 
that  there  are  few,  who  would  care  to  learn  anything  of 
it,  and  that  therefore  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
it,  would  be  chiefly  a  sweet  but  secret  satisfaction. 

"So  far  as  it  respects  my  immediate  occupations  I 
can  have  no  doubt.  I  shall  follow  the  advice  you  have 
given  me,  arid  wherever  you  have  expressed  an  opinion 


42  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

on  a  doubtful  point  I  shall  govern  myself  accordingly. 
I  shall  hear  Dissen  on  Demosthenes  and  ^Eschines, 
Kb'ster  on  Hebrew  Grammar,  and  Welcker  (he  is  the 
only  professor  who  reads  on  Latin)  on  Tacitus.  Prof. 
Benecke  takes  care  of  my  German,  and  I  have  found 
him  after  his  way  kindness  indeed.  Respecting  the 
choice  between  young  Planck  and  Eichhorn  I  am  yet 
undecided.  Planck  is  very  weak  I  believe,  and  speaks 
exceedingly  fast  and  low,  so  that  even  the  Germans 
lose  a  great  part  of  his  lecture,  and  I  am  rather  afraid  I 
should  lose  the  whole.  I  am,  too,  very  desirous  of 
knowing  Eichhorn:  He  is  more  celebrated  at  Cam 
bridge  than  any  other  of  the  Gottingen  Professors,  and 
it  was  expected  he  would  be  the  master,  at  whose  feet 
I  should  sit.  Yet  I  should  be  very  unwilling  to  give  my 
friends  any  reasonable  ground  for  fearing  that  I  should 
lose  my  belief  in,  or  respect  for  Christianity.  I  do  not 
myself  believe,  that  my  reverence  for  a  religion,  which 
is  allied  with  every  early  and  pleasant  association,  which, 
as  it  regards  its  evidence,  has  already  been  the  object 
of  my  study,  and  which  is  connected  with  all  my  hopes 
of  happiness  and  usefulness  and  distinction,  can  be 
diminished  by  ridicule.  The  natural  effect  of  observing 
great  talents  united  with  a  disposition  to  mock  what  so 
many  revere,  is  to  excite  indignation  or  pity.  Were 
Planck  well  I  would  hear  him  at  once,  and  even  as  it  is, 
I  am  inclined  to  do  so.  I  have  not  yet  visited  Prof.  E. 
I  believe  the  best  mode  will  be  for  me  to  call  on  him  to 
morrow,  and  if  he  appear  to  expect  that  I  should  learn 
from  him,  to  decide  upon  attending  him.  If  you  should 
hereafter  favour  me  with  your  opinions  about  studying 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  43 

Oriental  Literature,  and  if  'tis  advised  me  to  do  it,  I 
suppose  it  must  be  done  with  him.  .  .  ." 

"September  13.  ...  I  have  seen  Eichhorn  to-day, 
for  the  first  time.  He  is  old,  yet  stout  and  hearty;  very 
strong  built,  of  fine  proportions,  broad  shoulders,  tall 
enough,  with  a  fine  open  countenance,  good  natured  in 
his  manners,  and  familiar.  He  reached  me  his  hand 
very  cordially,  enquired  particularly  about  my  accom 
modations,  and  the  manner  of  securing  the  best  and 
bade  me  come  and  see  him  very  often.  He  enquired 
about  the  system  of  studies  I  must  pursue,  and  on  my 
stating  my  wishes  on  this  subject,  he  invited  me  at  once 
to  attend  his  lectures,  and  promised  me  the  best  place 
in  his  lecture  room.  He  spoke  of  America,  that  she 
was  now  making  gigantick  strides  in  improvement,  and 
added  with  a  wink,  that  she  was  much  dreaded  by 
England.  He  repeated  his  invitation  to  visit  him  very 
often,  saying  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  American 
gentlemen  who  have  resided  here,  particularly  with  Mr. 
Everett,  for  whom  he  has  the  highest  regard." 

"October  1.  I  have  been  for  some  days  a  regular 
matriculated  student  of  the  University  of  Gottingen. 
On  the  22nd  of  September  I  obtained  my  Matrikel. 
The  process  of  procuring  it  is  very  simple.  The  doors 
of  the  University  stand  ever  open;  and  all  are  invited 
to  the  rich  banquet  of  learning.  Nothing  is  necessary 
toward  becoming  a  member  of  the  institution,  except  to 
give  your  name,  your  country,  the  occupation  of  your 
father,  and  the  studies  to  which  you  will  devote  your- 


44  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

self;  on  this  being  known,  a  paper  is  immediately 
handed  you,  by  which  you  become  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges  and  rights  of  a  citizen  of  the  Georgia  Augusta. 
At  the  same  time  you  shake  hands  with  the  Prorector, 
by  which  form  you  are  understood  to  promise  that  you 
will  obey  the  laws  of  the  University.  There  is  particu 
lar  mention  made  in  the  Matrikel  of  duelling,  of  directly 
resenting  an  injury,  instead  of  appealing  to  the  proper 
authorities,  of  the  preservation  of  a  good  character, 
and  pure  morals,  of  the  associations  called  Lands- 
mannschaften,  and  of  appearing  always  in  decent  cloth 
ing.  The  fees  amount  to  about  one  Louis  d'or.  The 
present  Prorector  is  Consistorial-Rath  Pott.  He  ap 
peared  particularly  pleased  on  my  declaring  myself  an 
American,  and  pointing  to  the  name  last  entered  in  his 
book,  which  happened  to  be  the  name  of  a  Grecian,  bade 
me  notice  from  what  distant  parts  of  the  globe  there 
were  representatives  at  Gottingen.  He  then  very  par 
ticularly  requested  me  to  visit  him,  adding  that  he 
should  have  then  detained  me  to  hold  a  conversation 
with  me,  but  he  was  involved  in  business  and  duties  of 
his  office." 

"October  2.  ...  Behold,  I  have  seen  a  wonder! 
A  learned  woman,  modest,  and  who  once  might  have 
been  handsome;  a  learned  woman,  Doctor  of  Philoso 
phy,  Master  of  Arts,  and  one  of  the  best  informed  men 
in  the  place. 

"Old  Sliizer,1  who  died  some  ten  years  ago,  was  a 
stern  republican  abroad  and  very  naturally  a  tyrant 

1  Presumably  August  Ludwig  von  Schlozer,  1735-1809. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  45 

in  his  own  house.  (He  wrote  a  very  admirable  book 
on  the  coins  of  the  Russian  Empire.)  Well — this  man 
married — his  wife  became  pregnant,  he  was  mightily 
rejoiced,  felt  sure  it  was  a  boy,  boasted  of  the  circum 
stance  to  his  friends,  and  destined  the  young  man  in  his 
own  mind  for  a  scholar.  His  wife  was  brought  to  bed, 
and  behold,  a  little  miss  came  to  light.  The  Professor, 
however,  nought  intimidated,  still  clung  to  his  resolution, 
and  determined  to  show  the  world  that  a  woman  could 
master  the  classics  as  well  as  anyone.  He  accordingly 
educated  her  completely  as  a  boy,  employing  her  con 
stantly  with  her  books.  As  she  was  really  possessed  of 
a  vast  deal  of  mind,  she  made  great  proficiency,  and  he 
determined  that  she  should  join  the  University.  This 
she  actually  did;  attending  lectures,  going  like  the  rest 
of  the  students  with  her  portfolio  under  her  arm,  and 
differing  from  them  only  in  this,  that  she  was  exceeding 
ly  handsome,  and  wore  petticoats.  Her  conduct  how 
ever,  was  so  perfectly  pure  and  modest,  that  she  never 
received  the  least  indignity,  nor  was  her  character  ever 
impeached.  After  becoming  in  this  [way]  uncommonly 
learned  her  father  said  she  must  take  a  degree.  This, 
too,  she  did,  acquitting  herself  undoubtedly  with  great 
honour  in  the  Latin  extemporary  disputation  and  of 
course  received,  bona  fide,  a  doctor's  degree. 

1  'Shortly  after  this,  to  escape  this  unnatural  mode  of 
life,  she  married  and  removed  to  Liibeck;  her  husband 
failed  to  a  large  amount,  and  she  removed  to  Gottingen. 
Here  she  lives  at  present,  and  was  visited  a  great  deal, 
but  now  she  is  getting  on  in  life,  and  on  account  of  fre 
quent  ill  health  sees  not  much  company.  In  her  char- 


46  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

acter  and  conversation  she  is  irreproachable  and  from 
a  long  acquaintance  with  her,  I  am  told,  one  would  never 
hear  from  her  a  word  that  would  betray  her  learning." 

To  the  REV.  AARON  BANCROFT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  October  3,  1818. 

".  .  .  The  University  has  no  splendid  public  build 
ings — economy  is  the  order  of  the  day.  Nothing  is 
spent  in  vain,  and  since  a  plain  building  will  answer  as 
well  as  any  other  to  hold  their  Library,  they  think  it 
better  to  spend  their  gold  in  collecting  new  books  than 
in  ornament  and  display.  Notwithstanding  all  this, 
every  thing  that  is  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  instruc 
tion,  or  the  dignity  of  the  Institution  is  procured  at  once, 
without  hesitation  or  meanness  in  the  use  of  money. 
They  have  a  grand  botanical  garden,  an  anatomical 
Hall,  an  admirable  observatory,  superintended  by  one 
of  the  best  astronomers  in  the  world,  several  hospitals 
for  the  poor  and  sick,  by  means  of  which  excellent 
Physicians  are  educated,  a  museum  (though  not  very 
good),  and  a  library  of  more  than  two  hundred  thousand 
volumes.  This  is  by  no  means  all.  They  have  a  large 
body  of  learned  and  powerful  men  collected  here,  men 
of  talents,  ardour  and  miraculous  industry,  and  by  these 
is  this  fine  instrument  put  in  motion.  There  are  about 
fifty  Professors,  and  every  one  of  them  laborious  and 
learned,  besides  a  vast  number  of  doctors  who  are  about 
twenty-four  or  thirty  years  old,  and  who  are  attached 
to  the  University  and  take  part  in  instruction  in  every 
department.  In  addition  to  this,  there  are  several  in- 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  47 

structors  in  each  of  the  modern  languages,  and  who  are 
not  so  immediately  a  part  of  the  University  as  the  former. 
There  are  then  at  Gottingen  about  eighty  regularly 
educated  men,  many  of  them  in  the  very  first  rank  of 
men,  such  as  do  honour,  not  only  to  their  country,  but 
their  species,  all  of  them  thoroughly  learned  in  the 
strictest  sense  of  the  term,  and  superior  in  this  respect  to 
anything  we  have  in  America.  Besides  this  number  of 
eighty  who  are  engaged  in  the  weighty  affairs  of  science, 
there  are  a  large  number  (as  I  have  just  said)  who  teach 
the  modern  languages  and  accomplishments  of  that 
kind;  and,  yet  further,  regularly  appointed  masters  of 
fencing,  riding  and  dancing,  &c. ;  of  all  this  vast  num 
ber  I  can  take  my  choice,  and  accordingly  I .  have 
selected  the  best  in  each  of  those  departments  to  which 
I  devote  myself.  ..." 

''October  3.  .  .  .  Wolf,  the  Greek  Professor  at  Berlin, 
is  perhaps  the  greatest  scholar  in  Germany;  and  as  such 
one  hears  his  name  incessantly  repeated  and  with  terms 
of  the  highest  admiration.  His  character  as  a  man  is  an 
entirely  different  affair,  and  a  thing  which  never  comes 
into  consideration,  when  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  scholar. 
.  .  .  He  treated  his  wife  in  so  shocking  a  manner,  that 
she  was  obliged  to  obtain  a  separation,  in  which  state 
she  now  lives.  He  has  a  daughter  also.  This  poor  girl 
he  would  often  keep  up  very  late  at  night  reading 
Homer  to  him,  while  he  lay  in  bed ;  and  if  the  unhappy 
creature  happened  to  nod  a  little  towards  twelve  or 
one  o'clock,  he  would  give  her  a  violent  box  on  the 
ear.  The  consequence  of  this  was  that  she  took  the 


48  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

first   opportunity   to    elope  with    a    young    Prussian 
officer. 

"Wolf  is  now  quite  old.  Of  course  his  days  of  most 
active  exertion  are  past.  He  now  does  little  or  nothing. 
The  salary  which  he  receives  as  Professor,  he  procures 
without  giving  much  in  return.  He  announces  that  he 
will  read  lectures  on  this  and  that  author,  but  he  merely 
makes  a  beginning,  reads  for  a  week  or  two,  and  then 
makes  a  journey.  A  short  time  ago  he  gave  out  that  he 
would  read  no  lectures  at  all,  and  was  actually  deter 
mined  to  trouble  himself  no  more  about  them.  The 
Prussian  Government,  however,  interfered,  and  told 
him  that  if  he  read  no  lectures  he  should  receive  no 
salary.  '  Well/  said  he, '  if  it  must  be  done — I  dine  from 
two  to  three,  so  I  will  read  a  lecture  from  3  to  4,  just 
to  assist  digestion.'" 

Bancroft's  journal  gives  evidence  that  the  Gottingen 
traditions  were  long-lived.  Michaelis,  the  biblical 
scholar  and  teacher,  had  died  in  1791.  On  October  9, 
1818,  Bancroft  set  down  the  story  of  his  forcing  a  poor 
student  to  give  him  his  silver  shoe-buckles  in  lieu  of  a 
fee.  George  Ticknor  had  written  virtually  the  same 
story  in  his  journal  for  1815.  Indeed,  the  diaries  of  the 
two  young  men  afford  many  parallels  of  record  and  im 
pression.  For  Bancroft's  immediate  occupations  and 
plans  a  portion  of  a  letter  may  speak. 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"  GOTTINGEN,  October  26,  1818. 
".  .  .  My  lectures  which  begin  on  the  first  of  the 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  49 

coming  week  (two  are  already  begun)  relate  to  the  crit 
icism  of  the  Greek  of  the  New  Testament,  (in  the 
preparation  for  which  I  use  such  works  as  Schleusner). 
2.  The  grammatical  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew,  apart 
from  exposition.  3.  The  critical  study  of  Greek,  in 
which  language  I  shall  have  Theocritus  and  Demos 
thenes  explained,  interpreted,  &c.  4.  The  critical 
study  of  Latin,  Tacitus  and  Valerius  Flaccus  being  the 
authors  selected.  Then  beside  this,  I  have  four  days 
in  the  week  lessons  in  German.  My  leisure  time  I 
employ  with  Greek  for  the  present.  These  lectures 
continue  for  six  months;  at  the  end  of  which  time,  I 
shall  have  gained  possession  of  Hebrew,  done  some 
thing  handsome  in  Greek  and  Latin,  have  learnt  to 
understand  half  of  Paul's  epistles,  and  have  gained  a 
general  view  of  the  philological  terminology.  At  the 
end  of  that  time  I  can  decide  whether  I  am  ready  to 
make  of  myself  a  mere  scholar,  to  drink  strong  coffee, 
live  without  loving  or  being  loved,  discussing  with 
Porson  whether  one  should  read  in  Sophocles'  Ajax, 
9  line,  covrjp  or  avrjp,  and  possibly  if  I  live  to  be  eighty 
being  able  as  the  crown  of  human  felicity  to  write  an 
octavo  volume  on  the  Anapaest.  But  there  have  been 
philologians  men  of  fine  spirits,  such  as  the  world  seldom 
sees:  How  is  it  with  them?  An  Englishman  calls 
them  in  a  body  the  lacquies  of  the  ancients.  This  may 
do  of  most  of  them,  but  such  as  Heyne,  Ernesti  and 
Rhunkenius  deserve  a  little  better  treatment.  True 
they  are  merely  the  interpreters  of  others;  but  poetry 
and  that  too  of  a  high  kind  often  lies  concealed  under  a 
criticism;  Addison  is  even  sublime  in  one  of  his  notes 


50  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

•on  Milton.  We  will  allow  then,  these  good  men  (who 
live  so  near  the  pole)  to  be  the  bright  lights,  which  we 
admire  so  much  in  the  North,  and  which  sometimes 
last  a  whole  night,  while  the  poets,  w,hom  they  expound 
are  the  eternal  stars,  that  are  fixed  in  their  spheres  for 
ages.  .  .  ." 

It  is  worth  while  to  draw  from  another  long  letter  of 
these  early  days  at  Gottingen  an  illustration  of  the 
young  student's  enthusiasm: 

To  EDWARD  EVERETT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  November  14,  1818. 

"...  Dr.  K.  told  me  just  before  I  left  America,  that 
they  intended  to  buy  at  once,  before  long,  a  fine  collec 
tion  of  books;  and  would  send  out  some  one  on  purpose, 
teaching  him  first  all  that  is  to  be  known  about  title 
pages  of  books  and  editions,  and  their  value.  Now  as 
I  am  not  tall,  of  dark  complexion,  and  withall  rather 
lean,  I  do  think  if  I  should  dress  myself  up  in  old  grey 
clothes,  and  take  a  staff  in  my  hand,  I  could  pass 
through  all  Germany,  and  be  taken  for  the  agent  of 
a  bookseller  or  a  starving  antiquary;  Now  as  one 
could  not  have  a  better  place  to  learn  the  titles,  &c., 
of  books  than  this,  and  no  better  country  than 
this  to  buy  books,  I  cannot  help  thinking  it  would 
be  quite  fine  to  send  me  on  a  short  excursion  to 
these  convents,  whose  libraries  are  just  discovered, 
and  where  one  can  buy  old  books  and  princeps 
editions  by  the  foot.  .  .  .  ' 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  51 

To  MRS.  LUCRETIA  BANCROFT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  November  25  [1818]. 
" My  Dear  Mother,  .  .  .  Pray  can  you  find  me  out 
in  this  dark  city  ?  My  kingdom  is  situated  in  the  widest 
street  of  the  Town,  in  the  largest  house  in  that  street 
on  the  third  story.  It  is  about  the  same  size  as  Eliza's 
chamber,  only  a  little  higher,  and  I  have  with  it  a  small 
bedchamber  as  large  as  the  adjoining  one — Mary's 
chamber  as  you  call'd  it  in  old  times.  I  rise  before  five 
in  the  morning,  though  in  this  high  Northern  region  the 
sun  does  not  get  [up]  till  very  late.  On  rising  I  find  my 
stove  already  warm  and  the  room  comfortable,  and  a 
pot  of  coffee  on  the  table.  I  drink  at  once  a  cup  of  this, 
and  so  on  at  intervals  of  half  an  hour  till  all  is  gone.  At 
seven  I  go  to  my  drawer  and  cut  me  from  my  brown 
loaf  a  piece  of  bread  and  butter.  This  lasts  me  till 
dinner  which,  as  you  already  know,  is  brought  to  me 
and  is  a  solitary  meal.  After  dinner  the  Germans  drink 
coffee  again.  The  evening  is  the  time  for  visits,  that 
is  to  say  if  anyone  has  an  inclination  to  visit,  and  friends 
who  will  be  glad  to  see  him.  If  one  will  study,  however, 
in  the  evening,  bread  and  butter  and  a  cup  of  tea  is  his 
repast,  and  he  can  labour  very  well  on  a  light  stomach. 
There  are  several  places  also  to  which  the  students  very 
frequently  go  to  eat  something  warm  in  the  evening. 
At  these  places  they  eat  as  if  they  were  eating  the  pass- 
over,  '  with  their  hats  on  their  heads,  their  staves  in  their 
hands,  and  they  eat  in  haste.'  If  anyone  takes  off  his 
hat  (or  rather  his  cap,  for  we  wear  a  sort  of  cloth  cap), 
or  shews  the  least  air  of  a  gentleman,  the  rest  of  the 
students  begin  hooting  at  the  poor  criminal.  At  these 


52  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

houses  it  costs  very  little  to  get  a  supper,  and  many  of 
the  scholars  in  consequence  go  there  very  frequently. 
A  very  agreeable  way  of  passing  an  hour  of  the  evening 
is  to  call  on  one  of  the  married  Professors.  There, 
instead  of  sitting  round  the  table  and  drinking  tea  like 
Christians,  as  we  do  in  America,  I  have  a  cup  of  tea 
brought  to  me  by  the  youngest  daughter  of  the  Lady 
whom  I  visit.  She  pours  me  out  one  cup  at  a  time, 
brings  me  this  in  one  hand  and  sugar  and  cream  in  the 
other.  This  is  drank,  with  a  little  bit  of  bread  and 
butter.  We  wait  perhaps  half  an  hour,  and  then  obtain 
a  second  cup;  and  so  on  for  an  hour.  In  the  mean 
time  the  Ladies  sew  or  knit,  even  though  it  be  Sunday 
night,  and  the  young  men  talk  to  them.  In  a  large  tea 
party  the  manner  is  somewhat  changed.  A  maid  ser 
vant  brings  round  tea  as  with  us — cake  also,  and  what 
will  perhaps  surprise  you,  they  also  put  on  the  salver 
with  tea  a  bottle  of  rum — yes,  my  dear  mother,  of  rum,  a 
substance  which  the  old  ladies  find  tastes  very  well  in 
tea.  The  Balls  here  are  always  on  Sunday  Evening.  I 
have  been  to  one  out  of  curiosity,  and  seen  there  not 
only  dances  common  among  us,  but  also  waltzing — an 
affair  carried  on  in  great  style  throughout  all  Germany. 
They  do  not  require  of  me  to  dance  in  consideration 
of  my  being  a  foreigner  and  a  student.  .  .  ." 

There  were  other  surprises  in  German  customs  for 
the  young  New  Englander.  In  a  letter  of  October  17th, 
to  Andrews  Norton,  he  had  written:  "I  would  give 
you  a  specimen  or  two  of  the  high  language  of  Germany, 
if  it  did  not  sound  so  flatly  like  blasphemy  or  vulgarity 
in  English.  Nay,  then,  I  will  write  you  some  of  them 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  53 

in  the  order  of  rank,  and  in  German.  Ach,  Gott, — 
used  chiefly  by  very  young  girls,  and  very  old  women; 
ach,  der  Herr  Gott;  ach,  allmachtiger  Gott;  ach,  du  lieber 
Gott;  Gott  im  Himmel;  Jesus — ach,  der  Herr  Jesus,  or 
by  contraction,  ach,  du  Herr  Je — Gott,  Gott,  Gott,  Gott. 
These  are  some  of  the  expressions  under  which  the 
good  and  pious  ladies  of  Gottingen  express  their  feelings. 
The  last,  however,  I  never  heard  but  once,  and  then 
from  a  Professor;  the  rest  are  on  the  tongue  of  every 
maiden  or  wife  in  Gottingen." 

For  Bancroft's  studies  during  this  first  winter,  and 
for  the  reputation  of  American  students  the  two  follow 
ing  passages  from  letters  will  speak: 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"GOTTINGEN,  January  17,  1819. 

"...  You  charged  me  on  leaving  you  to  become  a 
biblical  critic  and  a  philologian;  but  to  be  good  in 
either  of  these  branches  I  must  devote  myself  particu 
larly  to  one  of  them,  and  carry  on  the  other  as  a  mere 
secondary  affair.  Which  of  them  shall  I  chose  ?  Your 
wish,  I  believe,  was,  that  I  should  study  with  the 
thought  ever  on  my  mind,  that  I  am  to  be  for  my  life 
a  student  of  Theology.  I  have  now  for  six  months 
laboured  chiefly  at  the  Greek  and  Latin  Languages, 
making  use  of  course  of  those  books,  which  are  to  be 
connected  with  those  studies.  I  have  also  laid  a  good 
foundation  for  Hebrew;  and  now  in  a  short  time  I 
shall  be  ready,  if  you  hold  it  expedient,  to  go  upon  the 
wide  sea  of  oriental  Literature.  If  my  destination  is  to 


54  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

be  that  of  a  biblical  critic  rather  than  that  of  a  Philolo- 
gian,  Syriac  must  give  me  work  for  a  half  year,  and 
Arabic  for  a  year  and  an  half;  and  in  case  it  were  possi 
ble  to  fix  my  residence  in  the  vicinity  of  a  library  rich 
in  Arabic  books  and  Manuscripts  another  half  year 
would  give  a  very  good  stock  of  knowledge  of  the 
language. 

"I  act  in  all  things  according  to  your  advice.  In  the 
mean  time  it  is  not  to  be  concealed  that  neither  money, 
nor,  in  the  present  state  of  the  American  public,  fame 
is  to  be  acquired  by  these  pursuits.  Perhaps  too  I 
shall  never  find  one  individual,  who  will  have  perse 
verance  enough  to  learn  of  me  the  eastern  dialects. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  will  be  very  fine,  to  be  able  to 
assist  in  raising  among  us  a  degraded  and  neglected 
branch  of  study,  which  in  itself  is  so  noble,  and  to  aid 
in  establishing  a  thorough  school  of  Theological 
Critics.  This  is  after  all  the  only  certain  and  effectual 
way  of  arriving  at  length  at  the  minds  of  the  people. 
Mr.  Everett  will  bring  to  you  all  that  is  valuable  of 
German  philology;  would  it  not  be  well,  if  I  could  assist 
him  in  his  labours  not  so  much  [in  his]  own  branch  as  in 
that  sister  one  of  biblical  Criticism  ? 

"The  plan  of  life,  which  I  have  adopted,  indicates 
very  clearly  that  I  must  become,  either  an  instructor 
at  the  University,  or  a  clergyman,  or  set  up  a  high  school. 
There  may  be  no  need  of  me  at  Cambridge;  it  may  be 
either  disagreeable  or  impracticable  to  found  an  honour 
able  school;  I  may  expect,  therefore,  that  I  am  to  be 
come  a  preacher.  Now  for  all  these  situations  classical 
literature  is  good;  and  my  attention  will  always  be 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  55 

sufficiently  devoted  to  the  learned  languages  to  qualify 
me  for  one  of  the  two  first  mentioned  places,  if  oppor 
tunity  occur.  Arabic  and  Syriac  will  not  enable  me 
to  write  better  sermons,  but  will  teach  me  to  understand 
my  bible  more  thoroughly. 

"I  have  said,  I  believe,  enough  to  be  intelligible.  I 
will  conform  myself  to  your  advice,  and  I  pray  that  you 
will  favour  me  with  it  by  the  first  opportunity.  I  add 
one  word  about  German  Theology.  I  have  nothing  to 
do  with  it,  except  so  far  as  it  is  merely  critical.  Of  their 
infidel  systems  I  hear  not  a  word ;  and  I  trust  I  have  been 
too  long  under  your  eye,  and  too  long  a  member  of  the 
Theological  Institution  under  your  inspection  to  be  in 
danger  of  being  led  away  from  the  religion  of  my 
Fathers.  I  have  too  much  love  and  esteem  for  my 
friends  at  home,  and  too  little  for  those,  who  can 
trifle  with  the  hopes  of  thousands,  to  suffer  myself 
to  be  overpowered  by  a  jest  or  a  sophism.  I  say  this 
explicitly,  because  before  I  left  home  I  heard  fre 
quently  expressed  fears,  lest  I  should  join  the  German 
School.  .  .  . 

"With  Gratitude  and  Love 

"GEO.  BANCROFT." 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"GO'TTINGEN,  February  22,  1819. 

"With  every  day  that  I  pass,  I  hear  a  thousand  good 
things  of  my  countrymen,  who  were  here  before  me. 
That  they  were  eminently  diligent,  and  full  of  zeal,  and 
respected  for  their  genius  is  only  what  might  naturally 
have  been  expected;  but  it  has  really  astonished  me,  to 


56  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

find  how  much  they  are  beloved,  and  how  well  they  are 
remembered.  As  the  large  body  of  instructors  have 
passed  their  lives  exclusively  among  their  books,  they 
have  something  exceedingly  cold  in  their  deportment, 
and  a  person  must  have  become  quite  intimate  with 
them,  before  he  can  find  out,  that  they  are  capable  of 
feeling.  But  the  frequency  of  their  enquiries  after 
Messrs.  Everett  and  Ticknor,  and  their  manner  of 
speaking  of  them,  leave  no  doubt  of  their  having  a  real 
affection  for  them.  The  ladies  seem  to  like  Mr. 
Ticknor  the  best,  but  Mr.  Everett  on  leaving  the  uni 
versity  received  the  degree  of  doctor  from  the  philo 
sophical  faculty  in  a  manner  particularly  honourable  to 
him.  As  a  friend  of  his  I  am  received  with  open  arms 
by  every  body,  whom  I  visit,  and  enter  into  a  possession 
of  all  the  rights,  which  belonged  to  him,  when  he  re 
sided  here.  Eichhorn  looks  forward  with  great  pleasure 
to  the  time  of  his  return  to  America,  and  prophecies 
with  confidence,  that  'the  brave  fellow  will  make  a  fine 
stir  when  he  gets  home/  For  myself  I  have  to  ex 
press  the  greatest  gratitude  to  Mr.  Everett,  for  he  has 
been  unweariedly  attentive  to  me,  and  assisted  me, 
very  much  by  his  copious  advice  on  the  subject  of  my 
studies.  .  .  ." 

"February  27,  1819.  ...  A  few  evenings  ago  I  was 
invited  to  a  supper  by  the  Prorector  of  the  University. 
He  told  me  to  come  at  7J,  and  accordingly  I  went  in 
due  time  and  reached  the  place  before  8  o'clock.  The 
company  consisted  entirely  of  Professors,  Doctors,  and 
the  College  of  Lawyers,  all  of  them  tolerably  advanced 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  57 

in  age.  On  my  entering,  they  were  not  yet  fully  col 
lected,  but  by  degrees  they  dropped  in,  and  by  nine  the 
whole  host  was  there.  This  first  hour  was  most  emi 
nently  tedious.  The  Orientalists  collected  in  one  cor 
ner,  and  talked  of  Persia;  the  lawyers  in  another,  and 
talked  of  I  know  not  what;  while  the  Prorector  stalked 
from  one  room  to  the  other  snuffing  the  candles.  At 
length  we  were  called  to  supper,  and  a  well  lighted  table 
seemed  to  be  a  cheering  sight  after  our  stupidity.  I 
was  placed  by  the  side  of  the  Prorector,  with  one  of  the 
oldest  and  most  distinguished  professors  on  my  other 
side,  who  was,  however,  unluckily  deaf.  Conversation 
flagged,  but  as  the  .supper  was  good,  the  jaws  were  not 
idle.  By  and  bye  the  wine  began  to  operate,  and  the 
learned  body  began  to  buzz  with  great  animation.  Jests 
of  the  most  noble  sort  were  made,  deep  remarks  and 
sage  criticisms  pronounced.  The  people  spoke  of  their 
watches.  'My  watch/  cried  the  Prorector,  ' keeps  the 
best  time  of  any  one  in  Gottingen.  I  set  it  every  hour/ 
It  was  sometime  before  the  point  of  this  was  seen,  but 
a  heavy  laugh  at  length  came,  although  a  little  later 
than  could  have  been  desired.  Schleiermacher's  name 
was  mentioned.  lEr  macht  viele  Sachen  unter  einem 
Schleyer'  said  the  Prorector.  It  was  asked,  what  is  the 
characteristick  of  a  good  Lutheran?  'To  love  wine/ 
said  the  Prorector,  seizing  on  the  bottle.  'Yes/  ex 
claimed  a  venerable  Professor,  'he  who  does  not  love 
wine,  woman  and  song,  remains  a  fool  all  the  days  of 
his  life.'  A  little  after  1 1  o'clock,  our  wine  was  ended,  the 
skins  of  the  Professors  pretty  full.  We  rose  therefore 
from  table,  and  each  made  the  best  of  his  way  home." 


58  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

The  roster  »of  a  day's  work  written  on  the  back  of  a 
map  of  Gottingen,  which  Bancroft  sent  to  Professor 
Ancfrews  Norton,1  shows  how  little  time  the  young 
student  habitually  left  himself  for  social  pleasures: 

5-  7  Hebrew  and  Syriac 

7-  8  Heeren  in  Ethnography 

8-  9  Church  history  by  the  elder  Planck 
9-10  Exegesis  of  the  N.  T.  by  old  Eichhorn 

10-11          "        of  the  O.  T. 

11-12  Syriac  by  old  Eichhorn 

12-1  Dinner  and  walk 

1-  2  Library 

2-  4  Latin  or  French 

4-  5    Philological  Encyclopedic  by  Dissen 

5-  7    Greek 

7-  8    Syriac 

8-  9    Tea  and  walk 

9-1 1     Repetition  of  the  old  lectures  and  preparation  for  the  new. 

From  the  following  passage  in  Bancroft's  diary  it 
may  be  inferred  that  "old  Eichhorn"  himself  set  no 
mean  example  for  industry: 

"April  5.  Eichhorn  told  me  yesterday  that  he 
labours  at  present  from  5  in  the  morning  till  9  at  night, 
that  he  has  all  his  life  gone  on  in  much  the  same  way; 
that  when  he  was  first  made  professor,  he  studied  15 
hours  daily,  and  never  experienced  any  inconvenience 
in  respect  of  his  health.  When  he  first  began  studying, 
he  sate  up  very  late  at  night.  This  he  found  ruinous, 
and  soon  abandoned  it.  But  ever  since  he  has  risen 

1  From  correspondence  lent  by  Pref.  C.  E.  Norton. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  59 

early,  and  retired  early,  and  this  he  finds  the  only  way 
of  effecting  much.  He  lays  it  down  as  a  fixed  principle 
that  cannot  be  denied,  that  no  man  naturally  possessed 
of  a  good  constitution  ever  died  of  study.  He  does  not 
deny  that  hard  students  may  have  died  who  might  have 
lived,  if  they  had  led  another  course  of  life.  But  they 
died  of  anxiety,  or  sadness,  or  melancholy,  of  passion, 
or  what  you  will,  but  never  of  hard  study.  He  tells  me 
that  at  present,  at  my  age,  when  the  habits  of  the  body 
are  not  fully  formed,  twelve  hours  of  diligent  study  will 
answer,  and  even  if  I  do  not  work  more  than  10 
hours  a  day,  my  conscience  may  be  at  ease,  but  at 
the  end  of  two  years  or  two  and  a  half,  it  will  be  quite 
another  thing/' 

To  Miss  JANE  BANCROFT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  April  14,  1819. 

11 .  .  .  It  is  a  strange  world  we  live  in,  and  full  of 
more  things  than  are  dreamt  of  in  your  philosophy.  My 
life  on  it,  you  have  not  formed  a  conception  of  a  set  of 
beings  like  the  German  students.  I  remember  even 
now  the  first  time  that  I  saw  a  party  of  them  collected 
and  I  believed  never  to  have  seen  any  of  my  fellow  beings 
so  rough,  uncivilized  and  without  cultivation.  They 
are  young,  and  therefore  wild  and  noisy — live  chiefly 
among  themselves,  without  mixing  in  society,  and  are 
therefore  careless  in  their  deportment,  awkward  and 
slovenly.  Many  of  them  wear  mustachios,  a  thing 
almost  unknown  in  America,  and  all  of  them  make 
themselves  vile  by  a  Beard,  dirty  and  monstrous. 


60  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

Scarcely  one  of  them  uses  a  hat,  but  instead  of  it  a  cap 
which  sometimes  can  scarcely  be  distinguished  from  a 
nightcap.  This  business  of  wearing  only  an  apology 
for  a  hat  I  find  so  exceedingly  convenient,  that  I  have 
fallen  into  it.  When  the  scholars  are  assembled  for  a 
lecture  the  collection  of  unpleasant  odours  is  prodigious, 
and  until  the  professor  enters  the  room  there  is  a  great 
noise  of  whistling,  talking  and  disputing,  all  which  how 
ever  is  instantly  hushed  on  sight  of  the  Professor  though 
generally  wound  up  by  a  short  but  violent  hiss.  This 
hiss  is  only  a  signal  for  order  and  tranquility.  When 
silence  is  thus  put  in  possession  of  the  throne  the  pro 
fessor  begins.  The  students  have  in  the  mean  time 
opened  their  Portfolios,  which  they  always  carry  with 
them  into  lectures,  taken  out  and  arranged  their  papers, 
mended  their  quills  and  brought  every  thing  to  order 
so  that  they  are  ready  to  take  down  every  word  that 
comes  from  the  speaker's  lips.  A  lecture  lasts  always 
an  hour;  but  the  instant  the  clock  strikes  it  must  be 
ended;  for  the  lectures  are  counted  from  the  striking 
of  the  clock  to  the  striking  again,  and  the  young  men 
must  hasten  to  another  professor.  Sometimes  a  person 
is  thus  necessitated  to  stop  in  the  middle  of  a  paragraph, 
and  I  state  what  is  positively  true  when  I  say  I  have 
known  the  lecturer  break  off  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence. 
If  a  professor  read  a  moment  after  the  hour  has  struck, 
be  he  who  he  may,  the  oldest  and  most  learned,  even 
Eichhorn  himself,  a  curious  scene  of  riot  ensues.  First 
the  students  shut  up  their  books;  i.  e.  slam  them  to 
gether,  the  next  step  is  to  stop  writing  and  put  up  their 
paper,  if  this  do  not  avail,  they  take  their  inkstands 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  61 

and  strike  the  benches  most  vehemently,  and  then  begin 
kicking  the  floor.  All  this  happens  in  half  a  minute 
and  the  professor  is  always  brought  to  reason  before  the 
minute  is  completed.  It  is  however  very  seldom  the 
case  that  any  one  overreaches  beyond  his  time.  You 
will  from  this  get  an  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  a 
lecture  in  general  is  heard.  On  great  occasions  some 
thing  extraordinary  must  be  done.  So  for  instance  if 
Eichhorn  sneeze,  every  scholar  in  the  room,  or  at  least 
the  larger  number,  begins  drumming  with  the  feet,  or 
beating  the  floor,  as  if  trying  its  strength.  I  asked  the 
reason  of  this  strange  procedure,  and  was  told  it 
implied  as  much  as  God  bless  you.  If  a  Professor 
speak  so  fast  that  it  is  difficult  to  follow  him  in 
writing  down  what  he  says,  they  begin  to  scrape  with 
their  feet;  the  floor  being  sandy  and  the  feet  moving 
with  rapidity,  it  produces  a  very  grating  and  inter 
rupting  noise — the  same  is  done  on  all  occasions  what 
soever  when  the  instructor  displeases  his  audience. 
This  language  of  the  feet  when  put  in  words,  signifies 
thou  art  an  ass. 

"  It  is  the  custom  in  Gottingen  for  every  man  who  can, 
to  make  jests  in  his  lectures,  and  for  every  man  who 
cannot  to  attempt  it.  When  a  good  one  is  made,  they 
clatter  with  their  feet  in  token  of  approbation.  The 
same  happens  at  the  end  of  any  lecture  that  has  been 
particularly  good;  and  also  at  the  end  of  the  term 
when  the  lectures  are  closed.  On  this  occasion  the 
students  undertake  to  demonstrate  their  love  for 
the  favourite  professors;  and  the  degree  of  love  en 
tertained  for  a  Professor  is  measured  by  the  degree 


62  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

of  noise,  absolute  actual  noise  which  is  made  and  which 
often,  lasts  several  minutes  and  can  be  heard  as  you 
may  well  suppose  no  inconsiderable  distance.  Is  this 
information  enough  of  the  blessed  human  beings  among 
whom  I  live  ?  .  .  . " 

In  the  papers  of  this  period  which  Bancroft  preserved, 
there  is  the  manuscript  of  a  short  sermon  in  German. 
The  diary  has  a  passage  which  may  be  taken  to  throw 
light  upon  it — and  upon  the  progress  of  the  student 
who  had  come  to  Gottingen  only  ten  months  before: 

"  June  27,  1819.  This  morning  I  went  out  to  a  vil 
lage  in  the  vicinity  and  delivered  a  sermon  in  the 
German  language.  Many  were  astonished  at  my  bold 
ness  in  daring  to  do  a  thing  of  the  kind,  and  feared  I 
should  fail.  But  I  met  with  nothing  which  made  me 
repent  my  having  attempted  to  hold  a  sermon;  on  the 
contrary  the  audience  were  uncommonly  still  and  at 
tentive,  and  on  leaving  the  pulpit  I  received  the  con 
gratulations  of  my  friends,  some  of  whom,  though  un 
known  to  me,  had  been  induced  by  curiosity  or  affection 
to  become  my  hearers.  .  .  ." 

To  Kirkland  and  to  Norton  he  wrote  soon  afterward 
of  his  studies  in  general: 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"GOTTINGEN,  July  6,  1819. 

"  I  have  just  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  a  letter 
from  you,  and  hasten  to  thank  you  for  the  kindness  of 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  63 

your  communications.  I  feel  particularly  grateful  for 
the  degree  of  confidence,  which  you  seem  to  repose  in 
me.  In  respect  to  my  studies  thus  far.  I  have  added 
Hebrew  and  Syriac  to  La'tin  and  Greek;  nothing  re 
mains  now  but  Arabic,  and  yet  I  entertain  doubts  of  the 
expediency  of  undertaking  it.  As  a  learned  theologian 
it  is  undoubtedly  necessary  to  learn  it;  but  the  time, 
which  so  difficult  a  language  would  require,  would  hard 
ly  leave  me  time  for  becoming  so  thorough  as  I  ought  in 
classical  literature.  The  idea,  which  you  suggest,  of 
establishing  a  high  school,  appears  to  open  a  fine  field 
for  being  useful.  I  would  gladly  be  instrumental  in  the 
good  cause  of  improving  our  institutions  of  education 
and  it  is  our  schools,  which  cry  out  most  loudly  for 
reformation.  To  expect  to  devote  the  whole  of  my  life 
to  the  duties  of  a  school  is  not  a  very  pleasing  prospect. 
On  my  return  I  shall,  however,  be  still  very  young,  and 
could  not  perhaps  in  any  way  do  more  good  than  by 
embracing  this  scheme  for  a  few  years.  It  is  obvious, 
that,  in  case  of  my  seriously  expecting  any  thing  of  the 
kind,  it  would  be  not  only  useful  but  quite  necessary  to 
pass  some  weeks  at  one  or  two  of  the  best  schools  in 
Germany,  and  I  should  also  think  at  the  best  of  England 
or  Scotland.  I  will  think  and  reflect  on  the  several 
subjects  of  which  you  speak,  and  hope  soon  to  write  at 
large  on  them.  .  .  ." 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"GO'TTINGEN,  July  10,  1819. 

"...  What  have  I  done  since  coming  to  Germany? 
I  have  learnt  much,  very  much.     Actually  more  than  I 


64  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

had  flared  to  hope.  German  one  of  the  most  difficult 
of  modern  languages  I  have  learnt;  then  too  Latin  of 
which  I  knew  something,  Greek  of  which  I  knew  not  a 
word  on  leaving  America.  Of  Latin  I  have  read  in 
Germany,  Tacitus,  wholly,  much  of  Livy,  of  Cicero, 
and  Horace's  odes,  then  Catullus,  &c.,  &c.  Of  Greek 
I  have  finished  Herodotus,  Thucydides,  something  of 
Demosthenes  and  ^Eschines,the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes, 
the  Iliad,  and  more  than  half  of  Plato.  I  have  com 
menced  and  continued  the  study  of  Hebrew,  and  have 
read  Genesis,  half  of  Exodus,  the  books  of  Samuel,  and 
a  chapter  or  two  here  and  there.  I  have  attempted 
Syriac,  and  though  I  have  not  read  much,  yet  I  am  so 
far  advanced,  that  I  can  use  a  Hebrew  dictionary,  i.  e. 
know  where  a  Hebrew  word  can  properly  be  inter 
preted  from  a  Syriac  one.  Of  German  theological 
works  I  have  read,  till  I  find  there  is  in  them  everything 
which  learning  and  acuteness  can  give,  and  that  there 
is  in  them  nothing,  which  religious  feeling  and  rever 
ence  for  Christianity  give.  They  are  far,  very  far 
before  all  the  rest  of  Christendom  in  learning,  but  not  in 
piety  nor  in  talent.  When  you  write,  you  may  give  me 
advice  if  you  will  and  to  any  extent  you  please.  I  only 
send  you  accounts  of  myself,  as  in  duty  bound.  ..." 

The  month  in  which  he  wrote  the  letters  from  which 
these  passages  are  taken  was  signalised  for  Bancroft 
by  a  meeting  with  one  of  his  own  flesh  and  blood. 
Late  in  June  his  brother  John  wrote  him  from  Hamburg 
that  he  had  arrived  there  in  the  East  Indiaman  True 
American.  It  was  soon  arranged  that  the  Gottingen 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  65 

student  should  pay  the  sailor  a  visit,  which  was  ac 
complished  to  the  great  delight  of  both.  A  month  later 
(August  25,  1819)  John  Bancroft  wrote  to  George  from 
Portsmouth,  England,  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  sailing 
for  the  East  Indies.  On  this  voyage  he  was  lost. 

In  the  following  passage  from  a  letter  to  Edward 
Everett  there  is  the  foreshadowing  of  Bancroft's  work 
both  as  an  historian  and  as  a  teacher: 

To  EDWARD  EVERETT. 

"GOTTINGEN,  August  1,  1819. 

"...  'Tis  out  of  the  question  to  expect,  that  in  any 
American  University  whatsoever  the  station  of  Professor 
of  theology  would  be  offered  me  or  anyone  else,  who  had 
got  his  theology  in  Germany.  Would  it  not  be  well, 
then,  to  add  history  to  my  studies  ?  This  has  always 
interested  me,  suits  well  with  my  philology,  and  as  the 
Church  history  must  be  taken,  too,  with  my  theology 
also,  and  I  think  I  could  become  useful  by  means  of  it. 

"Several  Gentlemen  in  Boston  are  desirous,  I  should 
become  acquainted  with  the  German  Schulwesen,  and 
on  coming  home  set  up  a  high  school,  on  the  European 
plan.  I  hardly  know  what  to  say  to  this.  The  labour 
of  a  school  is  nothing  alluring;  but  it  must  be  confessed, 
this  would  be  the  way  of  doing  most  good.  A  school 
might  be  established,  and  then  instructors  sent  for  from 
Germany.  I  would  not  wish,  however,  to  give  many 
years  of  my  own  life  to  an  immediate  connection  with 
it.  I  am  now  between  eighteen  and  nineteen  years  old, 
and  before  I  am  two  and  twenty  shall  probably  be  in 


66  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

America.  I  should  be  too  young  to  begin  anything, 
that  would  decide  my  destiny  for  life,  and  could  per 
haps  for  five  years  do  nought  better  than  attempt  to 
establish  a  learned  school.  Will  you  say  a  word  on  this 
point,  when  you  have  time?" 

On  September  4th,  Bancroft  set  off  from  Gottingen 
with  three  German  students  on  a  holiday  walking-trip. 
The  chief  places  visited  at  first  were  Halle,  Leipzig  and 
Dresden.  Conversations  with  Gesenius,  Spohn  and 
other  eminent  scholars  are  recorded  in  diary  and  letters. 
"Nothing  has  pleased  me  more,"  the  pilgrim  wrote  to 
President  Kirkland,  "in  the  places  I  have  visited  than 
to  find  how  well  remembered  and  how  highly  esteemed 
Messrs.  Everett  and  Cogswell  and  Ticknor  universally 
are.  Wherever  I  go,  the  first  question  is  always,  do 
you  know  them  ?  and  whenever  I  meet  a  scholar  who 
did  not  see  them,  while  they  were  in  Germany,  he  al 
ways  thinks  it  necessary  to  give  a  reason  for  it,  as  that 
he  was  absent  at  the  time  of  their  calling  on  him,  etc., 
etc."  The  diary  for  the  days  in  Dresden — where  he 
had  the  peculiar  pleasure  of  seeing  Cogswell1 — glows 
with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  first  acquaintance  with  mas 
terpieces  of  painting  and  sculpture.  From  Dresden 
Bancroft  proceeded  to  Prague,  and  on  the  way  back  to 
Gottingen,  from  which  he  was  absent  six  weeks  in  all, 
passed  through  Jena  and  Weimar.  In  the  first  of  these 
places  he  saw  Goethe;  in  the  second  Goethe's  home. 

1  Of  this  future  fellow-teacher  he  wrote  to  Andrews  Norton, 
Sept.  30,  1819:  "There  are  few  men,  that  I  have  seen  as  yet, 
who  please  me  so  well  as  Cogswell." 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  67 

"JENA,  October  12,  1819. 

"...  I  visited  Goethe  towards  noon.  He  was  talk 
ative  and  affable,  began  at  first  with  speaking  of  com 
mon  affairs.  Then  the  discourse  came  on  German 
philosophy.  Kant  was  mentioned  with  reverence.  The 
state  of  America  became  then  the  subject  of  conversa 
tion.  He  seemed  to  think  he  was  quite  well  acquainted 
with  it.  He  spoke  of  several  books  on  the  country, 
of  Warden's  Statistical  account  of  America,  &c.,  &c. 
Then  too,  Cogswell  had  given  him  an  essay  on  Ameri 
can  Literature,  which  appeared  in  Edinburgh.  This 
essay  Goethe  praised  much  for  the  beauty  of  its  style 
and  for  the  liveliness  and  fancy  with  which  it  was  writ 
ten,  and  smiled  as  he  mentioned  the  freedom  with 
which  he  spoke  of  the  different  professions.  Then  the 
talk  was  of  Cogswell,  a  lieber  Mann — a  man  of  great 
excellence. 

"He  spoke  with  pleasure  of  the  visits  Cogswell  had 
paid  him,  &c.,  &c.  At  length  I,  gathering  courage 
from  talking  with  him,  took  occasion  to  bring  him  upon 
the  English  poets.  Byron  he  praised  in  the  highest 
terms,  declared  himself  one  of  a  large  party  in  Germany 
who "  admired  him  unboundedly  and  seized  on  and 
swallowed  everything  that  came  from  him.  Of  Scott 
we  had  time  to  talk;  of  Wordsworth — Southey  he 
knew  nothing;  of  Coleridge,  the  name — had  forgotten 
however  his  works.  The  author  of  Bertram1  was 
praised.  'The  tragedy/  said  Goethe,  'has  many  beau 
tiful  passages.'  Byron,  however,  seemed  to  remain  the 

1  Rev.  C.  R.  Maturin.  The  tragedy,  on  Byron's  recommenda 
tion,  was  produced  1816,  with  Kean  in  the  leading  role. 


68  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

most  admired  of  all.  After  this,  Goethe  asked  after 
my  pursuits,  praised  me,  on  my  mentioning  them,  for 
coming  to  Germany,  and  spoke  a  word  or  two  on 
Oriental  matters.  After  this  he  asked  what  way  I  was 
to  take  the  next  day,  and  finding  I  was  going  to  Weimar, 
offered  me  at  once  a  letter  which  should  make  me  wel 
come  to  the  library.  After  a  few  more  remarks  I  de 
parted.  In  speaking  of  matters,  I  came  into  a  strait 
almost  as  bad  as  poor  Jennie  with  the  Queen.  Of 
Byron  I  said  his  last  poem  was  reported  to  contain  the 
most  splendid  exertions  of  poetical  power,  mixed 
with  the  lowest  and  most  disgraceful  indecencies.  I 
did  not  think  at  the  moment  of  Goethe's  Faust.  I 
mentioned,  too,  Byron's  wife,  forgetting  that  Goethe 
had  not  been  happy  in  the  married  state.  ...  I 
spoke  a  word,  too,  of  Eichhorn's  writing  so  many 
books,  forgetting  that  Goethe  had  found  no  end  with 
writing  many. 

"As  for  his  person,  Goethe  is  somewhat  large,  tho' 
not  very,  with  a  marked  countenance,  a  fine  clear  eye, 
large  and  very  expressive  features,  well  built,  and  giving 
at  once  a  favourable  impression.  In  his  manners  he 
is  very  dignified,  or  rather  he  has  a  sort  of  dignified 
stiffness,  which  he  means  should  pass  for  genuine  dig 
nity.  He  walks  amazingly  upright.  I  found  him 
quite  in  dishabille.  He  had  on  an  Oberrock — i.  e. 
a  surtout,  but  no  waistcoat,  a  ruffled  shirt,  not  alto 
gether  clean,  a  cravat  like  the  shirt,  fast  inclining  to 
dark  complexion.  His  boots  were  of  quite  an  ordin 
ary  cut.  No  Dandi  would  have  worn  them.  He  re 
ceived  me  in  the  garden.'' 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  69 

"WEIMAR,  October  13,  1819. 

"  I  arose  early  in  the  morning,  and  having  engaged  a 
servant  to  carry  my  knapsack,  proceeded  on  foot  from 
Jena  to  Weimar.  The  distance  is  not  far  from  10  miles. 
On  reaching  Weimar,  I  went  directly  to  the  library  to 
visit  the  gentleman  to  whom  Goethe  had  commended 
me.  It  was  a  very  common  man,  one  Krauter,  but  he 
was  secretary  at  the  library,  and  therefore  best  able  to 
show  me  the  matters  which  were  worthy  of  attention. 
.  .  .  After  making  an  end  at  the  library,  I  was  invited  by 
Krauter  to  go  to  Goethe's  house,  and  I  found  (what  I 
had  not  expected)  that  Goethe  had  written  word  for  me 
to  be  presented  to  his  son  arid  daughter-in-law.  On  call 
ing,  I  found  only  the  Frau  Kammerrathin  von  Goethe 
at  home.  She  invited  me  to  tea  in  the  evening.  Leaving 
her,  I  walked  in  the  city.  ...  In  Goethe's  daughter- 
in-law  I  found  a  very  pretty  little  woman,  of  lively 
sprightly  manners,  witty  and  agreeable  and  spirituelle, 
saying  all  things,  even  common  ones,  very  prettily, 
never  coming  into  embarrassment,  knowing  always 
what  to  say.  The  son  seeni'd  rather  a  stupid  and 
ignorant  fellow.  I  was  shown  Goethe's  study  and 
apartments,  his  library,  where  nota  bene  the  best  German 
translations  of  the  classics  were  to  be  found,  his  garden, 
his  collections,  &c.,  &c.  I  left  Goethe's  just  in  time 
for  the  after  piece  at  the  theater,  and  everybody  knows 
that  the  theater  at  Weimar  is  one  of  the  handsomest 
in  Germany.  The  piece  represented  was  a  farce,  and 
it  was  laughable  enough." 

Through  the  winter  of  1819-20  Bancroft  did  plenty 


70  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

of  hard  work  at  Gottingen.  The  personal  aspects  of 
a  second  holiday  journey,  which  came  in  the  spring,  and 
considerably  extended  Bancroft's  knowledge  of  places 
and  men,  are  described  in  a  letter  of  which  the  greater 
portion  follows: 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"  GOTTINGEN,  June  1,  1820. 

"I  have  just  returned  from  an  expedition  into  the 
Harz  mountains,  which  I  made  during  a  little  vacation 
that  is  allowed  us  at  Ascension.  'Tis  a  fine  feeling, 
which  is  gained  by  walking  for  hours  together  among 
the  mountains.  The  pure  air  on  the  hills,  the  animating 
exercise,  the  perfumes  arising  from  the  wild  flowers  and 
the  fir  trees,  and  good  company  are  enough  to  make  a 
day's  walk  of  seven  or  eight  leagues  appear  as  but 
necessary  to  sharpen  the  appetite  and  make  the  night's 
sleep  sound.  You  may  have  heard  of  the  Harz  as 
famous  for  mines,  and  for  picturesque  scenery.  I  found 
the  views  often  charming,  very  pleasant,  very  lovely, 
but  I  have  not  yet  seen  anything  answering  my  notions 
of  the  sublime,  nothing  terribly  grand  or  awfully  bold. 
Still  I  had  a  pleasant  tour,  and  the  health  that  is  col 
lected  in  walking  over  the  mountains,  gives  a  feeling  of 
vigour  and  a  disposition  to  activity,  which  well  repay 
the  time  and  the  fatigue. 

"There  were  five  of  us,  and  shall  I  describe  to  you 
my  companions  ?  I  have  never  yet  sent  you  accounts 
of  acquaintance  made  in  stages  or  picked  up  at  inns, 
but  for  once  in  the  way  bear  with  me.  Our 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  71 

(for  I  choose  to  talk  learned  with  learned  people)  was 
a  cosmopolite — at  least  I  cannot  say  to  what  country 
he  belongs.  He  was  born  in  Livonia,  but  of  English 
parents;  as  a  boy  he  was  sent  to  England  for  his  educa 
tion,  and  as  a  soldier  has  since  served  in  the  German 
legion,  and  lived  of  course  in  whatever  land  the  enemy 
appeared  in.  I  do  not  know  what  his  mother  tongue 
is.  English,  French,  German  are  all  one  to  him. 
Russian  flows  from  his  lips  like  honey,  but  Polish  gut 
turals  stick  in  his  throat  and  he  hesitates.  He  of 
course  knows  the  world  well,  and  in  England  he  ac 
quired  the  manners  of  a  gentleman.  He  is  strong,  but 
good  natured,  a  soldier  and  a  brave  one,  yet  when  not  in 
his  uniform,  gentle  and  pleasant.  His  heart  is  ex 
cellent,  his  morals  accommodated  to  the  latitude 
of  Europe.  Now  that  the  wars  are  over  he  has  come 
to  Gottingen  to  learn  history  and  mathematics,  and 
if  the  dogs  of  war  are  let  loose  again,  you  may  per 
haps  hear  more  of  him. 

"  Next  comes  a  Polish  Nobleman  from  the  Republic  of 
Krakau,  poor  image  of  a  republic  depending  for  its 
existence  on  the  good  will  of  the  Russians.  I  was  quite 
prepossessed  in  favour  of  Michaelowski,  for  one  of  the 
first  questions  he  put  to  me  was,  is  the  memory  of  Count 
Pulaski  honoured  in  America  ?  the  noble  Pole,  who  fell 
at  the  siege  of  Charlestown,  and  to  whose  manes 
Congress  voted  a  monument!  Our  companion  was  a 
Pole  I  repeat,  and  he  shares  the  feelings  of  his  nation. 
A  vehement  love  of  his  country,  a  longing  for  its  inde 
pendence,  a  burning  and  bitter  hatred  of  the  Russians, 
and  an  attachment  to  Napoleon  form  the  leading  traits 


72  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

in  his  character.  He  has  the  manners  of  a  man,  who 
has  a  soul,  and  who  yet  has  seen  little  of  the  polished 
world.  He  has  many  a  coarse  habit,  and  much  of  the 
grossness  common  to  them  of  the  North  East  of  Europe; 
but  yet  his  character  is  so  natural,  so  unartificial,  that 
it  would  be  a  pity  to  wish  him  the  ways  of  a  Frenchman. 
His  morals  coincide  with  his  manners.  What  nature 
recommends,  man  must  follow. 

"Our  third  man  was  a  Dutchman,  of  good  family,  a 
baron  Schimmelpenninck  and  that  is  not  half  his  name. 
And  a  more  good-natured,,  meek  creature  neither  you 
nor  I  have  ever  seen.  He  is  strong,  tall,  and  stout,  yet 
not  overbearing  with  his  strength.  His  nerves  are  of 
immovable  stuff.  I  never  saw  him  laugh  heartily  but 
once:  and  yet  no« one  is  fonder  of  humour  than  he.  He 
is  given  to  irony  and  often  says  a  good  thing,  yet  with 
such  gravity,  that  you  would  think  him  most  seriously 
in  earnest.  He  dresses  well,  only  that  his  common  coat 
has  a  yard  or  two  more  cloth  than  most  people  make  use 
of;  and  the  short  jacket  he  sometimes  wears  makes  him 
look  like  a  sailor.  On  the  whole  I  like  our  Dutchman 
mightily:  he  is  my  best  friend,  the  only  student  at 
Gottingen,  whom  I  go  to  see  once  a  month,  and  so  I 
beg  you  to  like  my  description  of  him.  He  is  well 
acquainted  with  modern  history,  and  in  conversation 
with  him  one  may  learn  a  good  deal.  He  will  talk  on 
whatever  subject  you  propose,  provided  he  is  master 
of  it;  and  on  all  subjects  he  talks  with  the  utmost  frank 
ness,  and  gravity,  and  openness,  never  calling  for  a  veil 
to  conceal  his  blushes,  and  never  quitting  table,  when 
unholy  things  are  mentioned.  And  yet  he  has  a  great 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  73 

deal  of  moral  principle  for  an  European.  .  .  .  Indeed 
I  was  rejoiced  to  find  a  young  man  of  twenty,  that  had 
a  glimmering  perception,  a  twilight  notion  'of  the  high 
mystery7  of  chastity,  though  your  severe  morals  would 
judge  without  mercy  his  principles. 

"Our  fourth  man  was  a  German  of  high  degree,  his 
father  being  Baron  of  the  German  empire,  of  most 
ancient  family.  But  this  German  pleased  me  least  of 
all.  He  is  of  a  class  of  men  very  common  in  the  king 
dom  of  Hanover,  and  very  seldom  seen  in  other  parts  of 
Germany,  a  fop  after  the  English  manner.  His  cravat 
is  always  tied  in  '  the  Gordian  knot,'  his  whiskers  combed 
into  a  graceful  curve,  and  his  light  hair  arranged  I  can 
not  tell  you  how  neatly.  He  is,  as  all  young  Germans, 
full  of  the  glories  of  his  country,  will  talk  to  you  of  the 
feudal  times  and  the  days  of  chivalry,  can  make  you 
confess,  if  talking  you  dumb  is  making  you  confess,  that 
the  Deutschen  are  above  all  nations  on  the  earth,  that 
the  Deutschen  heroes,  and  men,  and  ladies,  and  armies 
are  the  best  in  the  universe,  and  is  ready  to  challenge  any 
man,  who  denies  that  Deutsche  literature  excels  that  of 
all  people  and  times.  At  the  same  time  he  is  a  worship 
per  of  Alma  Venus,  knowing  little  and  caring  less  for 
the  donum  continentiae. 

"The  fifth  of  the  band  the  last,  the  youngest  and  the 
least,  was  one  Bancroft,  an  American  by  birth,  and 
though  already  nearly  two  years  from  home  all  too 
American  in  his  ways  of  thinking.  The  poor  lad  knew 
beforehand  but  little  of  his  companions,  the  Dutchman 
had  invited  him  to  join  the  party,  and  destiny  had 
doomed,  that  the  American  should  accept  it.  The 


74  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

youth  is  in  other  respects  well  meaning  enough.  As  he 
has  a  very  great  aversion  to  the  grossness  of  the  Ger 
mans,  and  cannot  endure  the  coarseness  of  their 
amusements  and  still  less  of  their  vices,  there  is  some 
hope  of  his  getting  through  the  land  without  being 
essentially  altered  in  his  ways  of  thinking.  Besides 
he  has  a  singularly  strong  attachment  to  Mr.  Norton  of 
Cambridge,  North  America,  and  would  rather  lose  his 
eyes  or  his  right  arm,  or  his  tongue,  or  any  thing  else, 
that  is  dear  to  him,  than  lose  the  esteem  of  his  friend. 
"And  so  the  Dutchman,  the  Pole,  the  Hanoverian, 
the  Teutonico-Anglico-Livonian,  and  the  American  set 
forth  on  their  expedition.  They  drove  as  far  as  Herz- 
berg,  a  little  village  at  the  foot  of  the  Mountains  they 
were  to  ascend.  Poor  Bancroft,  who  had  believed 
the  company  he  was  with,  to  be  a  choice  selection 
of  the  noblest  and  best  of  the  students,  soon  found 
that  he  had  fallen  into  worse  hands  than  the  poor 
Samaritan,  and  yet  he  enlarged  his  knowledge  of  men 
and  things  by  being  with  men  from  so  various  parts  of 
Europe.  .  .  ." 

It  is  much  less  as  a  walker  than  as  a  rider  that 
the  surviving  generation  recalls  Mr.  Bancroft.  The 
beginnings  of  his  favourite  recreation  seem  therefore 
worth  recording: 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"Gb'TTiNGEN,  July  6,  1820. 

"...  You  will  see  a  good  part  of  my  day  is  taken 
up  in  hearing  lectures.  This  mode  of  study  certainly 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  75 

is  well  calculated  for  those  who  wish  to  be  always  busy, 
for  the  alternation  between  private  study  and  attending 
lectures  makes  both  agreeable,  and  spares  the  health 
too.  But  that  you  may  be  quite  sure  I  take  good  care  of 
myself,  I  will  tell  you  of  another  course  I  am  attending. 
There  is  a  famous  riding  school  here,  and  at  present  I 
am  one  of  the  scholars  of  the  celebrated  Ayner,  master 
of  the  stalls  at  Gottingen,  and  an  adept  in  the  art  of 
equery  and  vociferation.  We  are  obliged  to  ride  without 
stirrups,  which  makes  the  exertion  much  greater,  and  the 
good  effects  of  the  exercise  greater  too.  I  have  been  at 
the  school  now  about  two  months,  and  have  learnt  to 
manage  a  gentle  horse  without  running  the  risk  of  getting 
my  neck  broken.  In  the  meantime  I  know  of  nothing 
so  effective  for  dispelling  all  collections  of  gloomy 
thoughts,  and  all  twinges  of  discontent  or  homesickness, 
as  an  hour's  ride  without  stirrups  on  a  hard  trotting 
horse.  The  quick  succession  of  elevation  and  de 
pression,  to  which  a  man  is  exposed,  teaches  him  to 
choose  a  firm  seat  in  the  middle  regions.  At  any  rate 
I  find  the  exercise  most  useful  for  me.  I  have  been 
growing  a  little  of  late,  and  need  violent  motion  to  put 
my  limbs  in  order  and  make  them  firm.  ..." 

In  the  letter  from  which  the  preceding  paragraph  is 
taken,  there  is  a  brief,  admiring  descripion  of  Professor 
Patton  from  Middlebury  College  in  Vermont,  the  one 
other  American  at  Gottingen  with  Bancroft.  "Well,  at 
any  rate,"  he  says,  "there  were  two  of  us  here,  and  we 
chose  to  keep  the  4th  of  July,  and  I  am  sure  of  it,  never 
did  two  Americans  deliver  a  more  patriotic  oration  or 


76  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

more  exalted  poem,  or  think  toasts  more  full  of  love  of 
country  than  these  two  forlorn  pilgrims  did  at  Gottin- 
gen."  The  poem  must  have  been  Professor  Patton's. 
Amongst  Bancroft's  papers  I  find  a  fervid  oration  of 
seven  small  manuscript  pages,  dated  July  4,  1820,  and 
beginning,  "Countrymen,  friends,  sweet  and  elevating 
is  the  festival  which  we  have  now  met  to  celebrate." 
"Come  then,"  it  ends;  "let  us  unite  in  the  frugal  but 
friendly  meal.  We  are  few  in  numbers,  but  we  have 
the  hearts  of  freemen.  The  love  of  country  shall  bless 
our  repast."  Few,  indeed — these  two  young  enthu 
siasts!  But  one  of  them  at  least  had  the  spirit  to 
join  to  his  oration  a  list  of  twelve  "Toasts  for  the 
4th  of  July,  1820,  Gottingen."  First  came  "The 
memory  of  Washington;"  then  "The  President  of  the 
United  States"  [Monroe].  Four  of  the  ten  remaining 
"Sentiments"  will  sufficiently  disclose  the  character 
of  all: 

"6.  The  American  Eagle.  A  terror  to  the  vulture, 
may  she  never  wound  the  lamb. 

"7.  The  speedy  Abolition  of  Slavery.  May  our 
country  learn  to  practice  at  home  the  sublime  lesson  she 
has  taught  the  world. 

"8.  The  sweet  nymph  Liberty.  Europe  gives  her 
high  mountains  to  dwell  on.  America  consecrates  to 
her  her  most  extended  plains. 

"9.  Our  Country.  The  Asylum  of  the  oppressed. 
May  her  benevolence  not  prove  her  poison. " 

There  were  intimations  of  the  maturer  Bancroft 
in  this  flowering  of  his  youth;  yet  one  queries  how 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  77 

large  an  allowance  should  be  made  for  his  apprehension 
of  the  humour  in  the  episode. 

On  the  19th  of  August,  Bancroft  wrote  a  long  letter 
to  Mr.  Norton  describing  the  methods  of  teaching  at 
Gottingen  and  the  habits  of  his  fellow-students,  which, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  were  most  offensive  to  him. 
The  beards  and  the  fashion  of  kissing  after  a  separation 
—"twice  as  lustily  as  Romeo  ever  kissed  Juliet" — were 
among  his  warrants  for  calling  the  students  "  barba 
rians."  Mr.  Norton  had  been  questioning  some  of 
his  young  friend's  previous  superlatives,  and  in  con 
cluding  his  letter  Bancroft  thus  defends  himself: 

".  .  .  Now  before  closing  this  letter  I  must  say  a 
word  in  defence  of  myself  against  a  charge,  which  it 
seems  I  have  brought  against  myself.  You  have  taken 
a  few  words  I  may  have  written  too  seriously.  I  have 
not  been  guilty  of  exaggeration.  I  do  not  remember  to 
have  described  any  man  to  you,  otherwise  than  he  may 
have  appeared  to  me.  Only  I  was  afraid,  that  you 
had  drawn  too  hard  and  unjust  conclusions,  from  what 
I  had  said:  and  in  that  I  should  be  to  blame.  I  have 
said  some  things  playfully,  and  have  sometimes  told  a 
story,  as  it  was  told  me,  without  vouching  for  its  truth; 
but  I  have  never  made  an  assertion  which  I  was  doubt 
ful  about;  and  never  expressed  a  judgment,  which  I 
did  not  feel  was  right.  And  from  your  letters  all  along 
it  has  appeared  to  me,  that  you  have  on  the  whole  under 
stood  me,  as  I  should  wish  to  be  understood.  I  may 
have  made  some  false  conclusions.  If  I  heard  a  man 
cursing  and  swearing,  I  inferred  he  reverenced  God 


78  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

very  little:  perhaps  an  unjust  conclusion.  If  they  told 
me,  the  man  never  goes  to  church,  I  thought  he  cared 
little  for  religion;  applicable  in  America  but  not  in 
Germany.  If  I  caught  a  man  on  a  morning  call  in  a 
nightgown  and  slippers  without  breeches  on,  I  judged 
him  a  sloven;  altogether  falsely;  for  give  him  a  clean 
shirt  and  a  new  suit  of  clothes,  and  he  will  dress  very 
respectably  for  a  public  occasion.  This  is  pretty  much 
all  the  retraction  I  wished  to  make;  I  have  always  taken 
heed  to  my  words,  and  that  will  always  do 

"your  truth  loving  George." 

Within  a  month  from  the  time  of  writing  this  letter 
Bancroft  received  his  Doctor's  degree.  The  final  ex 
amination  and  the  ceremony  which  followed  it,  are  de 
scribed  in  the  ensuing  passages: 

"GOTTINGEN,  September  2,  1820. 

"I  have  just  returned  from  the  faculty  in  Gottingen. 
For  the  first  time  in  my  life  I  have  been  decorated  with 
small  clothes  and  silk  stockings,  and  for  the  first  time 
too,  have  been  talking  Latin  publicly.  'Hail,  native 
language!'  I  may  well  say  now,  and  be  thankful  that 
my  trial  is  over.  In  a  word  I  have  been  examined  this 
afternoon  by  mighty  men  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  in 
Philosophy,  and  now  nothing  remains  for  me  to  do  but 
to  appear  in  public  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
University,  in  order  to  become  as  good  and  regular  a 
Doctor  as  any  that  have  been  coined  in  these  latter 
days;  but  I  will  try  and  relate  the  history  of  the  whole 
matter.  The  candidate  for  a  degree  writes  two  papers 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  79 

which  he  presents  to  the  faculty.  In  the  one  he  declares 
his  wish  to  be  admitted  to  an  examination ;  in  the  other 
he  gives  a,  short  history  of  his  life.  These  being  com 
municated  to  each  member  of  the  Academic  Senate,  a 
meeting  is  called  of  the  faculty  for  the  purpose  of  trying 
the  powers  of  the  candidate,  and  examining  him  in  those 
departments  of  science  to  which  he  has  particularly 
attended.  To-day  was  appointed  for  me.  At  4  o'clock 
I  entered  the  house  of  the  Dean  of  the  faculty,  Prof. 
Eichhorn,  and  after  waiting  a  few  minutes  was  ushered 
into  the  room  where  eight  venerable  men  were  as 
sembled.  A  chair  was  placed  for  me.  Mr.  Eichhorn 
then  began  the  ceremony  by  addressing  to  me  a  short 
speech  in  Latin  of  course,  and  after  speaking  a  few 
words  introductory  to  the  examination,  ended  by  saying 
he  should  examine  me  in  ancient  history,  in  Hebrew  and 
Arabic,  and  invited  his  colleague,  the  celebrated  Mit- 
scherlich,  to  examine  me  in  Greek.  He  then  com 
menced  the  examination  by  questions  relating  to  the 
cities  of  Phenicia  and  the  fate  of  Tyre.  He  then  gave 
me  the  Hebrew  Bible  and  requested  me  to  translate  the 
23rd  chapter  of  Isaiah,  which  is  a  most  difficult  chapter. 
After  this  an  Arabic  poem  was  put  into  my  hands,  which 
I  also  translated  and  explained.  Then  one  half  of  my 
examination  was  over.  Wine  and  cake  were  presented, 
and  these  being  tasted  the  work  proceeded.  Mr. 
Mitscherlich  made  me  a  short  speech  in  which  he  an 
nounced  his  intention  of  ascertaining  how  much  Greek 
I  knew,  and  in  order  to  effect  that,  he  gave  me  an  ode 
of  Pindar  to  translate.  Now  Pindar,  you  [know]  is  of 
all  authors  the  most  difficult.  But  as  I  had  studied  him 


80  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

ON  good  deal  of  late,  I  succeeded  in  satisfying  the  good 
professor  in  my  answers.  The  ode  which  he  selected 
was  the  fourth  Nemean  ode,  which  commenced  with, 
'The  best  Physician  for  labours  that  are  ended  is  hilar 
ity/  The  manner  of  interpreting  was  as  follows :  First 
the  sentence  was  read,  then  each  individual  word  which 
had  any  difficulty  was  explained,  reduced  to  its  primi 
tive  root,  and  its  several  meanings  mentioned.  This 
done,  the  construction  of  the  words  was  told,  and  then 
the  passage  was  translated  into  Latin.  All  this  is  done 
in  Latin,  which  is  the  only  language  allowed  at  an 
examination,  or  at  any  public  solemnities  of  the  Uni 
versity.  After  the  passage  is  thus  translated,  if  it  con 
tain  any  allusions  to  mythology,  these  are  enquired  after, 
if  any  grammatical  difficulties,  they  must  be  cleared  up, 
if  any  incorrected  readings,  they  must  be  corrected. 
Of  the  ode  of  Pindar,  about  thirty  lines  were  inter 
preted  in  this  way.  By  this  time  it  was  past  six,  so  I 
was  desired  to  withdraw  for  a  few  moments.  The 
deliberation  was  held  as  to  the  event  of  the  trial.  I  was 
soon  summoned  to  appear,  when  the  Dean  made  a  short 
speech  again,  declaring  the  satisfaction  of  the  faculty 
with  the  appearance  I  had  made,  setting  forth  his  readi 
ness  to  create  me  a  Doctor  as  soon  as  I  should  have  dis 
puted  in  public,  and  adding  his  congratulations  on  his 
own  part  and  that  of  the  faculty,  on  the  honour  I  was 
about  to  obtain,  and  then  I  was  dismissed.  Next  week 
on  Saturday  I  am  to  appear  in  public  and  defend  against 
two  or  more  opponents  the  theses  which  are  to  be 
printed  in  the  course  of  the  week.  Then,  after  taking 
an  oath  to  honour  the  University,  &c.,  I  am  to  receive 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  81 

a  diploma  in  due  form  and  order,  as  Doctor  of  Philos 
ophy.  .  .  ." 

"GOTTINGEN,  September  16,  1820. 
"MY  DEAREST  UNCLE: 

"Do  you  remember  the  good  story  you  used  to  tell 
me  about  the  honest  countryman  of  Stow,  who,  after 
long  sighing  for  the  honour,  was  at  length  made  Justice 
of  the  Peace;  and  then  you  know  as  a  neighbour  saluted 
him  in  a  friendly  way  by  the  plain  title  of  Mr.,  he 
deigned  no  answer,  but  collecting  himself  most  proudly, 
exclaimed  after  a  long  pause,  'and  pray  why  not 
"Squire!"'  So  now  if  Miss  Murray  or  Miss  Hall  or 
any  of  the  elect  of  Lancaster,  should  happen  to  speak  of 
George  Bancroft,  or  Mr.  George,  I  pray  you  to  rebuke 
them  gravely  and  ask,  'pray  why  not  Doctor!'  Last 
Saturday  I  was  made  Doctor  of  Philosophy  and  Master 
of  Arts  according  to  the  strictest  forms  of  the  law.  The 
customs  of  the  place  and  the  statutes  of  the  University 
render  it  necessary  for  the  candidate  to  proceed  thus: 
In  the  course  of  the  week  he  prints  several  propositions 
which  he  declares  himself  ready  to  defend  in  public. 
These  are  generally  of  a  paradoxical  nature,  such  as 
few  men  are  disposed  to  believe,  and  on  new  and  unusual 
subjects.  These  being  printed  and  distributed,  two 
or  more  opponents  are  appointed  to  enter  the  lists  and 
oppose  the  candidate.  The  day  for  this  intellectual 
warfare  being  appointed,  the  candidate  proceeds  early 
in  the  morning,  dressed  fully  in  black,  in  small  clothes 
and  silk  stockings,  to  arrange  the  business  of  the  day. 
He  drives  in  a  carriage  first  to  his  opponents.  These  he 


82  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

takes  with  him  to  his  room  where  breakfast  is  waiting 
for  them.  The  morning  repast  being  ended,  he  con 
ducts  them  in  the  carriage  as  before,  to  the  hall  of  the 
University  where  they  take  the  places  appointed  for 
them — opposite  the  desk  destined  for  the  candidate. 
Then  he  drives  to  the  Dean  of  the  faculty,  and  invites 
him  to  appear  and  preside  at  the  ceremony.  In  the 
mean  time  theses  are  distributed  to  every  one  that  comes 
to  hear  the  dispute.  The  Dean  and  he  who  is  to  be 
dubbed  Doctor  arrive.  The  Dean  leads  him  to  his 
place  where  he  is  to  stand  firmly  and  await  all  attacks. 
First,  however,  he  holds  a  speech  which  commonly 
lasts  from  ten  to  fifteen  minutes.  The  Dean  is  at  pres^ 
ent  the  celebrated  Mr.  Eichhorn,  one  of  the  most  learned 
men  in  the  world.  He  led  me  to  the  Desk  and  from  that 
moment  no  word  might  be  uttered  except  in  Latin. 
Then  I  delivered  a  speech  which  lasted  about  twelve 
minutes  and  this  gave  me  time  to  collect  myself.  The 
oration  pleased,  though  some  thought  I  spoke  too 
theatrically.  'Tis  not  the  custom  here  to  declaim,  but 
I  chose  to  do  it  as  an  American,  and  for  the  sake  of  trying 
something  new  to  the  good  people.  After  the  discourse 
was  ended,  I  called  on  one  of  my  opponents  to  contra 
dict  any  one  of  the  propositions  I  had  asserted.  He 
chose  one  about  a  line  of  Horace.1  It  may  seem  to 
you  in  Lancaster  of  very  little  consequence  whether  one 
word  or  another  be  used  there — but  here  we  are  bound 

1  Of  the  nine  theses  to  be  defended  by  "  Georgius  Bancroft, 
Massachusettsensi-Vigoniensis,"  as  he  is  described  on  the 
leaflet  preserving  them,  the  seventh  reads:  "Bentheii  conjec- 
tura  nummum  pro  nomen  in  Horatii  Epist.  ad  Pis.  v.  59,  reji- 
cienda,  altera  tamen  procudere  pro  producere  adoptanda." 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  83 

to  hold  it  a  sacred  duty  to  render  every  ancient  author 
as  correct  as  possible.  The  young  Gentleman  who 
opposed  me  is  son  of  the  King's  preacher  at  Dresden,  a 
very  well  educated  man.  We  talked  a  full  half  hour 
about  the  true  reading  with  liveliness — I  might  almost 
say  acrimony.  The  Professor  of  eloquence,  Mitscher- 
lich,  who  has  published  an  edition  of  Horace,  was  all 
along  on  my  side.  We  could  hear  him  exclaiming 
against  the  arguments  of  my  adversary  as  of  no  mo 
ment,  and  encouraging  me  by  approving  mine.  The 
dispute  with  Ammon  being  at  an  end,  I  invited  Dr. 
Hoch  to  oppose  me  upon  another  of  my  theses.  He 
is  an  excellent  man,  already  well  known  for  his  learning. 
The  question  related  to  the  language  of  the  earliest  in 
habitants  of  Greece,  and  was  treated  with  proper  cool 
ness  and  deliberation.  It  is  a  difficult  subject,  as  the 
testimony  of  early  writers  is  so  contradictory  upon  it. 
This  question  was  discussed  for  about  twenty  minutes, 
and  then  the  battle  was  ended  and  the  field  remained 
to  me  without  any  one  to  dispute  my  right  to  it.  My 
peroration  followed,  and  in  this  I  was  first  obliged,  ac 
cording  to  the  customs  of  ceremony,  to  say  a  word  for  the 
King,  for  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  and  for  the  University. 
Then,  turning  to  the  Professors,  I  thanked  them  for 
their  kindness  to  me  during  my  stay  at  Gottingen,  said 
farewell  to  my  friends  and  fellow  students,  and  then 
begged  the  Dean  to  confer  on  me  the  honour  I  had 
sought  for.  Mr.  Eichhorn  mounted  the  desk,  held  a 
speech  to  the  audience,  said  some  civil  things  to  me, 
added  his  hopes  and  wishes  for  my  welfare  in  life,  and 
then  called  on  the  Beadle  of  the  University  to  read  me 


84  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

the  Doctor's  oath.  This  being  administered,  I  was 
called  on  to  ascend  two  steps  higher,  and  my  diploma 
was  presented  me.  The  audience  dispersed,  each  pro 
fessor  came  up  and  congratulated  me  on  the  successful 
event  of  my  trial,  then  turned  away  and  departed.  The 
Dean  I  conducted  home  in  my  carriage,  and  I  remained 
a  Doctor  in  Philosophy,  and  was  then,  am  now,  and 
ever  shall  be  your  loving  nephew." 

The  Gottingen  degree  secured,  Bancroft  looks  to  the 
future,  and  writes  thus  of  his  plans: 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"GOTTINGEN,  September  17,  1820. 

"Another  semester  has  just  been  closed,  and  now  my 
course  at  Gottingen  is  finished.  I  had  hoped  to  have 
received  a  few  lines  from  you,  encouraging  me  in  my 
purpose  of  joining  the  University  of  Berlin  for  the 
winter.  But  though  I  have  not  heard  from  you,  yet 
the  advantages  I  shall  enjoy  there,  are  certainly  so 
great,  that  there  is  little  room  for  hesitation.  For 
ancient  literature  we  have  at  Gottingen  three  professors; 
but  the  eldest  is  lazy,  and  does  not  do  his  duty;  the 
youngest  is  a  beardless  youth  of  fine  promise;  but  as  yet 
he  is  only  growing  learned;  while  the  third,  the  most 
learned  of  the  whole,  little  Dissen,  is  so  sickly  and  so 
easily  disturbed  and  brought  low,  that  his  good  will 
exceeds  his  powers  of  action.  (He  is  now  engaged  with 
the  new  edition  of  Pindar,  and  promised  me  he  would 
make  a  present  of  it  to  the  Cambridge  library,  when 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  85 

completed.)  Now  at  Berlin  I  am  sure  of  Boeckh,  who 
is  perhaps  the  best  scholar  in  Germany;  and  Wolf, 
though  eminently  slothful,  reads  lectures  in  winter; 
and  Buttmann,  who  is  now  writing  a  copious  Greek 
Grammar,  exercises  the  young  philologians  in  inter 
preting  the  classics.  Apart  from  all  this  the  lectures 
here  are  so  calculated  as  to  return  every  two  years,  and 
having  remained  here  two  years,  I  hardly  know  what 
lectures  to  take,  were  I  to  continue  my  stay  during  the 
winter.  I  go  from  Gottingen  without  much  regret. 
The  people  here  are  too  cold  and  unsocial,  too  fond  of 
writing  books  and  too  incapable  of  conversing,  having 
more  than  enough  of  courtesy,  and  almost  nothing  of 
actual  hospitality.  I  admire  their  industry;  but  they 
do  not  love  labour;  I  consider  their  vast  erudition  with 
astonishment;  yet  it  lies  as  a  dead  weight  on  society. 
The  men  of  letters  are  for  the  most  part  ill  bred ;  many 
of  them  are  altogether  without  manners.  Here  is 
Harding,  whose  name  is  widely  spread  as  the  discoverer 
of  a  planet  and  a  capital  observer  of  the  stars;  but  he 
has  not  a  notion  of  what  a  gentleman  ought  to  do  on 
earth;  the  renowned  Staudlin,  the  cleverest  of  all  the 
Gottingen  theologians,  talks  quite  as  vulgarly  as  a 
common  man  of  the  '  cursed  affair  of  the  queen/  and  the 
1  hellish  bad  situation  of  the  ministers;'  and  our  excellent 
Heeren,  who  has  written  the  most  acute  book  that  has 
ever  been  written  on  the  commerce  of  the  ancients, 
hardly  knows  how  to  hold  commerce  with  men  of  his 
own  time.  One  of  the  most  copious  of  the  professors 
longs  to  get  some  petty  office  as  clerk  at  Hanover,  and 
often  exclaims, '  could  I  once  get  out  of  this  hell  on  earth, 


86  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

I  would  never  write  a  book  again.'  As  it  is  he  writes 
two  octavos  a  year.  And  Eichhorn,  than  whom  I  have 
never  seen  a  more  amiable  or  a  kinder  man,  speaks 
often  of  his  labours,  in  a  manner,  which  does  not  in 
crease  one's  respect  for  him,  and  seems  to  think  by 
devoting  himself  so  exclusively  to  books  he  has  lost  the 
chance  of  enjoying  life,  and  partaking  of  the  pleasures 
of  the  idle.  All  these  things  seem  to  justify  the  Germans 
of  higher  rank  in  the  little  respect,  with  which  they 
treat  the  learned;  but  they  correspond  poorly  with  the 
childish  ideas  I  had  formed  in  America  of  the  supe 
rior  culture  and  venerable  character  of  the  wise  in 
Europe.1  .  .  . 

"And  now  that  the  harvest  is  gathering  and  the  leaves 
of  the  forests  falling  for  the  third  time  since  I  left  home, 
I  am  reminded  that  I  am  growing  older.  Pythagoras, 
in  his  division  of  life,  lets  the  fair  days  of  boyhood  con 
tinue,  till  the  twentieth  year  is  ended.  I  like  his  divi 
sion,  it  leaves  me  yet  a  few  days  for  the  thoughtless 
gayety  of  boyhood.  And  then  the  sun  of  the  opening 
springtime  of  life  will  have  gone^  down  for  me,  and  the 
hours,  which  are  passing  over  me,  will  soon  bring  on  the 
time  for  thinking  with  sobriety  and  acting  with  manli 
ness.  In  the  mean  time  I  know  you  will  excuse  me  if 
I  have  often  written  carelessly  or  as  a  boy.  The  day 

1  The  Latin  oration  mentioned  in  the  letter  to  Bancroft's  uncle 
is  before  me.  It  begins  with  the  salute,  following  no  doubt  a 
form  virtually  prescribed,  "Prorector  magnifice,  Eques  excel- 
lentissime,  Decane  summe  colende,  Professores  amplissimi 
doctissimi;  Commilitones  carissimi,  Amici  suavissimi."  This 
and  Bancroft's  privately  expressed  opinion  of  the  Gottingen  com 
munity  are  in  interesting  contrast. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  87 

of  my  -departure  from  Gottingen  is  fixed  for  Tuesday. 
Among  the  letters  which  my  acquaintance  and  friends 
here  have  given  me,  I  find  some  to  several  of  the  most 
eminent  literary  men  at  Berlin.  I  feel  confident  of 
passing  the  following  month  pleasantly  and  usefully. 
How  thankful  ought  I  then  be  to  you,  to  whose  kind 
protection  I  owe  all  the  high  advantages,  which  I  en- 


The  journal  provides  a  picturesque  glimpse  of  Ban 
croft's  departure  from  Gottingen: 

"On  Tuesday  the  19th  of  September,  I  finished  my 
residence  at  Gottingen.  Two  years  have  passed  rapidly 
away  in  the  stillness  and  activity  of  a  student's  life,  and  I 
think  I  may  look  back  on  them  as  on  years  which  have 
been  usefully  employed.  I  had  formed  a  plan  of  travel 
ling  to  Berlin  with  two  Grecians  —  Maurus,  from  Con 
stantinople,  and  Polyzoides  from  Thessalonica.  Many 
of  their  countrymen  were  desir6us  of  accompanying  us 
a  few  miles,  that  they  might  delay  as  long  as  possible  the 
moment  destined  for  a  parting  embrace.  About  9  we 
left  the  walls  and  spires  of  Gottingen  behind  us;  we 
had  taken  leave  of  all  our  friends,  and  now  we  bade 
adieu  to  their  city,  to  its  pleasant  walks,  the  rich  vales 
around  it,  and  its  magnificent  scientific  institutions. 
Farewell,  oh!  Georgia  Augusta,  and  mayst  thou  long 
continue  to  bring  forth  offspring  worthy  of  thy  pleasant 
glory. 

"At  noon  we  reached  Nordheim.  Here  we  dined  for 
the  last  time  in  company  with  our  Grecian  friends.  The 


88  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

hour  at  table  was  indeed  moving.  The  welfare  of  our 
friends  and  our  countries  was  drunk  with  enthusiasm. 
After  dinner  a  Greek  war  song  was  sung,  which  ani 
mated  every  heart.  Young  Blastos  from  Chios,  a 
pleasant  little  fellow,  whom  I  was  especially  fond  of, 
could  hardly  restrain  his  feelings.  At  length  Psylas 
from  Athens  arose,  and  addressed  his  Grecian  brethren 
in  a  short  song,  animating  them  to  exertion  and  patriot 
ism.  Then  followed  the  last  embrace,  the  parting  kiss 
of  friendship,  and  lost  in  pleasant  reminiscences,  we 
continued  our  way  towards  Brunswick  in  silence  and 
reflection." 

Arrived  at  Berlin  the  young  student  presents  his 
letters  of  introduction,  and  notes  in  his  journal  many 
impressions  of  the  scholars  he  meets.  A  long  letter  to 
his  father,  October  20,  1820,  discusses  plans  for  the 
remainder  of  the  stay  in  Europe,  and  possible  methods 
for  securing  the  required  funds.  A  single  brief  passage, 
throwing  light  on  past  and  future,  must  be  quoted: 
' 'From  the  earliest  years  of  childhood,  from  the  moment 
of  my  entering  with  you  the  chaise,  that  was  to  take  us 
to  Exeter,  I  have  met  with  benefactors  and  friends. 
The  benevolence  of  an  uncle,  whom  I  delight  to  honour 
and  love,  assisted  me  in  the  years  of  college  life,  and  as 
I  was  entering  on  more  advanced  studies  under  narrow 
and  discouraging  circumstances,  I  have  been  enabled 
to  visit  the  best  universities  of  Europe.  This  is  heart- 
moving  and  exalting.  Encouragement,  such  as  I  have 
received,  must  give  a  new  impulse  to  exertion,  and  I 
feel  as  if  something  more  than  a  moderate  degree  of 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  89 

* 

usefulness  may  hereafter  be  expected  of  me.  When  I 
return  I  shall  be  willing  to  serve  in  any  station,  which 
those,  to  whom  I  owe  so  much,  may  think  most  suitable 
for  me." 

A  fortnight  later  he  writes  specifically  to  his  chief 
benefactor  about  his  studies  at  Berlin: 


To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"BERLIN,  November  5,  1820. 

"...  I  have  already  been  here  about  six  weeks,  and 
find  abundant  cause  of  joy  for  having  come  here.  The 
character  of  the  men  of  letters  is  quite  the  reverse  of  the 
character  of  the  Gottingen  Professors.  There  an 
abhorrence  is  felt  for  all  innovations;  here  the  new,  that 
is  good  or  promises  to  lead  to  good,  cannot  be  too  soon 
adopted.  At  Gottingen  the  whole  tendency  of  the 
courses  is,  to  make  the  students  learned,  to  fill  their 
memories  with  matters  of  fact;  here  the  grand  aim  is 
to  make  them  think.  At  Gottingen  experience  stands 
in  good  repute,  and  men  are  most  fond  of  listening  to  her 
voice;  but  at  Berlin  experience  is  a  word  not  to  be  pro 
nounced  too  often;  speculation  is  looked  on  as  the  prime 
source  of  truth.  At  G.  the  men  are  engaged  in  growing 
learned  and  writing  useful  books,  which  demonstrate 
their  erudition;  at  Berlin  the  professors  are  perhaps 
quite  as  learned,  but  more  accustomed  to  reflect;  and 
you  may  find  many  of  their  books,  to  have  written  which 
a  prodigious  degree  of  erudition  was  required,  and  which 
yet  do  not  contain  a  single  citation.  Certainly  Gott- 


90  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

ingen  is  the  best  place  to  gather  genuine  learning;  but  I 
hardly  think,  a  man  would  learn  there  how  to  use  it 
properly.  .  .  . 

"As  to  my  studies  this  winter,  they  will  be  chiefly  a 
continuance  of  my  former  philological  ones,  to  which 
I  add  a  little  philosophy  and  French  and  Italian.  I 
need  not  say,  how  fine  the  schools  of  Prussia  are;  they 
are  acknowledged  to  be  the  finest  in  Germany.  Here 
in  Berlin  a  great  many  new  ideas  are  going  into  applica 
tion;  and  the  indistinct  forebodings  of  Pestalozzi,  and 
the  eloquent  discourses  of  Fichte  have  not  been  without 
lasting  fruits.  I  need  not  assure  you  how  happy  I  am 
in  having  an  opportunity  of  studying  the  science  of 
education  in  a  city,  where  it  has  been  the  subject  of  so 
much  discussion  and  where  the  Government  have  done 
so  much,  have  done  everything  they  could  do,  to  realize 
the  vast  advantages  about  to  result  from  the  reform  in 
the  institutions  of  instruction.  No  Government  knows 
so  well  how  to  create  Universities  and  high  schools  as  the 
Prussian.  The  new  Academy  at  Bonn  rivals  already 
the  oldest  Universities.  I  have  taken  a  course  of  lec 
tures  with  Schleiermacher  on  the  science  of  education; 
it  is  the  most  interesting  which  I  have  as  yet  attended. 
He  brings  to  his  subject  a  mind  sharpened  by  philo 
sophical  meditation  and  enriched  with  the  learning  of 
all  ages  and  countries.  He  applies  to  his  subject  all  his 
vast  acquaintance  with  the  different  systems  of  ethics, 
and  with  the  human  mind;  his  language  is  luminous, 
elegant  and  precise;  his  delivery  is  I  think  almost  per 
fect.  I  honour  Schleiermacher  above  all  the  German 
scholars,  with  whom  it  has  been  my  lot  to  become  ac- 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  91 

quainted.  He  abounds  in  wit  and  is  inimitable  in 
satyre:  yet  he  has  a  perfectly  good  heart,  is  generous 
and  obliging.  I  think  him  acknowledged  to  be  the 
greatest  pulpit  orator  in  Germany.  Ammon,  who  is 
sometimes  named  with  him,  is  by  no  means  his  equal. 
In  person  S.  is  small,  very  small,  mis-shaped,  and  in 
general  without  any  claim  to  a  good  appearance  except 
an  expressive  countenance  and  an  eye  that  flashes  fire 
continually.  Yet  he  is  exceedingly  rapid  in  his  motions, 
and  walks  with  the  agility  and  vivacity  of  a  boy.  A  few 
evenings  ago  I  was  at  his  house :  a  stupid  German  Pro 
fessor,  who  had  been  to  seek  his  fortune  at  St.  Peters 
burg  was  there  too,  a  perfect  boor  in  his  manners,  and 
talking  incessantly,  though  he  did  not  know  how  to  con 
verse  properly.  As  he  went  away  Schleiermacher 
showed  him  to  the  door;  but  immediately  on  returning 
from  lighting  him  out,  the  whole  company  fell  upon  the 
Doctor,  to  know  how  he  could  invite  such  a  cub  to  a 
family  supper.  His  wife  seized  him  with  strong  hands 
by  the  collar,  and  began  shaking  the  little  philosopher 
most  playfully.  He  cried  for  mercy  and  forbearance, 
jumped  two  feet  high,  demanding  to  be  heard — and  was 
at  length  heard  and  pardoned. 

"  Besides  the  public  schools  there  is  at  Berlin  a  private 
institution,  which  promises  to  become  very  useful.  Ten 
young  men,  animated  by  the  eloquence  and  patriotism 
of  Fichte,  formed  a  plan  some  years  ago  of  establishing 
a  school  after  the  new  principles.  Each  of  them  chose 
a  peculiar  branch,  in  which  he  was  to  perfect  himself, 
and  which  he  was  afterwards  to  teach.  Three  of  them 
went  in  the  mean  time  to  live  with  Pestalozzi  and  become 


92  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

acquainted  with  his  principles  from  the  man  himself. 
An  ardour  and  a  perseverance,  such  as  the  young  men 
have  manifested,  deserve  to  meet  with  the  most  decided 
success.  I  find  it  quite  instructive  to  observe  their 
institution  from  time  to  time;  they  know  how  to  unite 
gymnastic  exercises,  music  and  the  sciences;  and  this 
is  the  mode  of  educating,  which  Plato  has  extolled  as 
the  perfection  of  the  art.  In  this  way  I  have  excellent 
means  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  old  and  the  new 
ways  of  teaching  in  Germany;  the  subject  deserves  at 
tention  for  its  practical  importance;  and  becomes 
highly  attracting,  when  regarded  in  a  philosophical 
point  of  view. 

"My  other  courses  are  with  Boeckh,  Hegel  and  Wolf, 
all  names  of  the  first  rank;  though  Boeckh  is  very  far 
from  having  the  genius  of  Wolf,  or  Hegel  from  having 
the  clearness  of  either.1  ..." 

The  learned  Wolf  and  his  daughter  thus  appear  in 
the  final  pages  of  the  journal  for  1820: 

"December  21.  Wolf  talked  to  me  about  himself  and 
his  daughter  with  the  greatest  openness.  The  Queen, 
said  he,  passed  thro'  Halle,  and  was  at  a  large  company 
there.  She  selected  his  daughter  for  a  companion, 
saying,  'Come,  and  sit  by  me,  my  child.  I  hear  you 
know  so  vastly  much  English.  Did  not  you  find  it 

1  In  a  letter  of  December  28,  1820,  Bancroft  wrote  to  Edward 
Everett:  "I  took  a  philosophical  course  with  Hegel.  But  I 
thought  it^ost  time  to  listen  to  his  display  of  unintelligible 
words." 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  93 

hard ?'  'Not  at  all,  your  Majesty/  'I  thought  the  th 
and  other  sounds  very  hard/  said  the  Queen.  'I  made 
nothing  of  them/  said  the  little  girl.  '  Why  ?  How  did 
you  learn  English,  then?'  'Papa  taught  it  me  in  the 
water  when  I  was  five  years  old.'  -'Taught  it  you  in  the 
water/  cried  out  the  Queen  in  astonishment,  'What 
does  that  mean  ? '  '  When  he  went  to  bathe/  answered 
the  girl,  etc.,  etc.  'In  short/  said  Wolf,  'when  I  went 
to  bathe,  I  took  my  little  daughter  with  me,  and  made 
her  sit  behind  a  screen,  and  while  bathing,  I  used  to 
call  out  an  English  word  which  she  wrote  down  and  then 
another  and  another,  till  I  had  taught  her  all  the  sounds 
of  the  English  in  several  succeeding  lessons/  I  was 
quite  taken  with  the  good  natured  talkativeness  of  the 
old  man,  and  the  fondness  with  which  he  dwelt  on  his 
knowledge  of  English.  The  same  daughter  of  Wolf 
made,  when  she  was  but  14,  an  abridgement  of  Walker, 
in  order  to  become  sure  of  the  pronunciation  of  each 
word ;  a  vast  undertaking  for  a  girl,  and  so  young  a  girl, 
rivalled  only  by  the  zeal  which  induced  Schlozer  to  copy 
a  Russian  dictionary  of  some  hundred  octavo  pages,  at 
a  time  when  it  was  impossible  to  purchase  one." 

The  beginning  of  1821  is  marked  with  the  best  of 
resolutions : 

"January  1,  1821.  A  new  year  has  again  com 
menced.  It  is  the  third  which  I  have  kept  in  the  land 
of  strangers.  When  I  think  of  the  manner  in  which  I 
spent  the  past  year,  I  believe  I  may  be  contented  with 
the  progress  I  have  made.  Yet  much  yet  remains  to 


94  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

be  done,  and  the  coming  [year]  is  perhaps  to  have  a  more 
decided  influence  on  my  character  and  manners  than 
the  past.  Some  resolution  must  be  made  for  the  regula 
tion  of  my  time  and  conduct,  and  let  me  begin  with 
resolving — 1.  To  rise  earlier  than  I  have  formerly 
done.  Half  past  five  or  six  is  a  proper  hour  for  winter, 
except  when  something  unusual  prevents  me  from  going 
to  bed  in  good  season.  2.  I  must  exert  myself  to  obtain 
a  good  English  style,  and  to  do  that  must  write  much  and 
with  care.  Especially  be  the  letters  sent  home  for  the 
future,  written  with  attention.  3.  This  year,  especially 
in  the  following  month,  I  must  strive  to  learn  to  use  the 
French  language  with  propriety  and  ease.  4.  Italian 
must  be  learnt  thoroughly.  5.  I  think  it  would  be  high 
ly  useful  to  take  lessons  in  dancing  for  the  sake  of  wear 
ing  off  all  awkwardness  and  uncouthness." 

A  family  letter  on  New  Year's  Eve  gave  a  minute  de 
scription  of  this  unfamiliar  object  to  a  young  New 
Englander  of  Bancroft's  generation — a  Christmas-tree. 
Duly  following,  there  was  another  celebration  recorded, 
with  the  talk  accompanying  it,  in  the  journal : 

"January  2,  1821.  The  Germans  celebrate  the  last 
evening  in  the  year.  Sylvester  evening  the  members 
of  each  family  collect  together,  unless  in  large  companies, 
and  pass  the  time  in  the  merriest  manner  possible. 
Mme.  Schleiermacher  assured  me  that  'tis  the  pleasant- 
est  and  gayest  night  in  the  whole  year.  They  always  re 
main  together  till  the  midnight  hour  has  struck,  and  the 
new  year  has  fairly  entered.  Then  they  bid  it  welcome, 
and  continue  their  mirth  till  nature  calls  for  repose.  .  .  . 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  95 

"I  spent  the  evening  at  the  Countess  America  Bern- 
storffs,1  a  lady  whose  virtues  I  so  much  admire.  On 
entering,  I  found  Sir  George  Rose2  there  and  family. 
We  had  a  charming  evening,  all  were  so  pleasant  and 
willing  to  be  happy.  First  a  little  discourse  with  the 
Countess,  then  a  little  dance,  then  a  few  words  with  the 
Count,  whom  I  now  for  the  first  time  saw,  entertained 
me  at  first.  Bye-and-bye  I  entered  without  knowing  it 
into  a  most  lively  conversation  with  Sir  George  Rose 
on  the  state  of  religion  and  theological  science  in 
Germany.  He  had  paid  great  attention  to  the  subject. 
In  our  conclusions  we  united :  namely,  that  the  Germans 
united  the  most  foolish  credulity  with  the  most  audacious 
scepticism.  Sir  Geo.  spoke  to  me  of  his  own  habits  in 
his  family.  He  assured  [me]  that  after  breakfast  he 
assembles  his  household,  and  the  Chaplain  reads  the 
short  prayers.  Then  he  himself  reads  to  them  a 
chapter  from  the  Old  and  a  chapter  from  the  New 
Testament.  These  he  explains,  too;  and  if  any  points 
need  a  learned  commentary,  he  calls  on  the  Chaplain  for 
his  exposition.  'For/  said  he,  'I  think  it  the  highest 
duty  and  it  ought  to  be  the  greatest  delight  of  parents  to 
teach  religion  to  their  children.  None  but  the  parents 
should  give  a  child  its  first  ideas  of  God  and  of  Chris 
tianity.'  I  was  much  delighted  with  Sir  George's  zeal 
and  religious  spirit,  tho'  grieved  at  his  too  strict  attach 
ment  to  the  peculiar  tenets  of  the  Church  of  England. 

1  Daughter  of  Gen.  Riedesel,  commander  of  Brunswick  troops 
in  the  American  Revolution.  She  was  born,  1780,  in  New  York; 
hence  the  name  America. 

a  British  Minister  at  Berlin. 


96  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

Our  dialogue  continued  for  a  long  time,  and  we  seemed 
to  forget  that  dancing  was  going  on  all  the  while  in  the 
adjoining  chamber.  At  last  we  were  interrupted,  and 
I  joined  the  younger  part  of  the  company.  Presently 
the  musicians  played  a  waltz.  I  felt  a  desire  to  dance 
and  ventured  to  do  so.  I  got  through  the  waltz  for  the 
first  time  in  my  life  in  a  correct  and  easy  manner.  Then 
followed  the  Cotillon,  which  is  a  very  long  but  very 
amusing  dance.  This  too  I  ventured  to  dance  for  the 
first  time.  All  things  went  off  pleasantly,  and  all  seemed 
happy.  The  dance  ended ;  the  doors  were  thrown  open 
and  behold  the  tables  spread  for  supper.  A  frugal  but 
excellent  and  even  elegant  repast  crowned  the  pleasures 
of  the  evening." 

A  long  passage  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Kirkland  from 
Berlin,  February  1,  1821,  is  devoted  to  Wolf,  in  admira 
tion  of  his  mental  powers  and  erudition,  yet  lamenting 
his  lack  of  dignity  of  character  and  purity  of  morals. 
A  fortnight  later  Bancroft  acknowledges  in  a  letter  to 
Norton  his  own  inability  to  see  any  beauty  or  attractive 
ness  in  the  ballet,  of  which  he  had  just  seen  a  speci 
men  performance  at  the  end  of  Rossini's  Tancred. 
Before  the  end  of  February,  he  left  Berlin,  and  by  way  of 
Leipzig,  Weimar,  Frankfort,  and  Heidelberg  proceeded 
toward  Paris.  A  letter  from  Heidelberg  to  his  sister 
Lucretia  tells  of  his  parting  from  friends  in  Berlin, 
"the  incomparable  Wolf" — to  whom  he  gave  a  copy  of 
his  father's  "Life  of  Washington" — the  Baron  von 
Savigny,  and  others.  Returning  from  farewell  visits, 
he  found  in  his  room  a  letter  from  Baron  von  Humboldt. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  97 

"He  had  sent  me  a  very  polite  note  enclosing  a  work  of 
his  as  a  keepsake,  and  a  letter  of  introduction  to  his 
brother  at  Paris;  who  is,  you  know,  the  most  distin 
guished  of  all  living  travellers.  He  desired  at  the  same 
time  to  have  my  address  in  America,  that  we  may  here 
after  carry  on  a  correspondence.  This  your  'little 
brother1  held  quite  an  honourable  distinction.  Other 
good  men  and  famous  in  their  vocation  I  will  not  name 
to  you.  The  last  of  all  whose  friendly  hand  was  clasped 
in  mine  was  Schleiermacher.  He  is  the  first  pulpit 
orator  in  Germany,  and  besides  that  a  most  learned 
scholar  and  acute  Philosopher.  With  him  and  his 
family  I  spent  the  last  hours  of  my  social  life  at  Berlin. 
At  his  house  I  had  frequently  been  during  the  winter, 
and  had  heard  his  lecturejs]  and  listened  to  his  conversa 
tion  always  with  instruction  and  admiration.  And 
now,  nothing  remained  but  a  few  hours  for  unquiet 
sleep  and  then  I  was  to  turn  my  back  on  Berlin.  .  .  ." 
At  Leipzig  Bancroft  saw  Spohn  again,  and  other 
scholars.  From  Kosen  on  March  6th  he  wrote  Pro 
fessor  Levi  Hedge  an  elaborate  description  of  the 
Schulpforte  gymnasium  at  which  he  had  placed  young 
Frederic  Henry  Hedge.  The  letter,  in  its  relation  to 
Bancroft's  own  career,  is  noteworthy  for  its  evidences 
of  a  close  study  of  German  educational  methods.  At 
Weimar  there  was  time  for  two  visits  to  Goethe.  One 

of  them  is  thus  described  in  the  diary : 

• 

"WEIMAR.  March  7,  1821. 

"  I  was  with  Goethe  for  a  half  hour  to-day.     I  felt  the 
vast  difference  between  [him]  and  the  many  scholars 


98  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

whom  I  have  lately  seen.  Goethe  has  the  ease  of  a  gentle 
man,  speaks  with  liveliness  and  energy,  but  does  not  seem 
to  take  any  longer  a  lively  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the 
world.  I  tried  to  bring  him  to  talk  of  the  German  poets, 
and  mentioned  Tieck,  but  Goethe  remained  silent.  I 
mentioned  the  Schlegels;  he  observed  merely  that  they 
had  written  many  pretty  things.  Byron's  Don  Juan 
Goethe  has  read  and  admired  its  humour.  The  humour 
of  the  rimes,  said  he,  is  capable  only  in  your  language 
where  words  differently  written  are  often  pronounced 
alike.  This  peculiarity  of  your  language  has  been  culti 
vated  and  exercised  by  a  series  of  comic  writers,  Swift, 
etc.,  etc.  Goethe  spoke  of  Humboldt's  Agamemnon  with 
high  praise.  'I  still  read  in  it  and  derive  new  instruc 
tion  from  it.'  Goethe  asked  me  about  the  new  hall 
at  Berlin,  about  the  famous  masquerade  at  court,  spoke 
of  Sir  George  Rose  and  his  handsome  daughters.  I 
saluted  him  from  Wolf.  He  added  merely,  that  Wolf 
had  given  him  the  pleasure  of  his  company  for  a  few 
days  the  last  autumn.  Goethe  spoke  of  the  progress 
of  colonisation  in  America  and  of  the  agreeable  manner 
we  have  in  America  of  setting  before  each  advertise 
ment  a  little  cut  denoting  its  subject,  as  a  house,  a  ship, 
a  horse.  He  thought  it  a  very  excellent  custom.  He  spoke 
in  praise  of  the  riches  of  Berlin  in  the  arts,  the  thriv 
ing  state  of  sculpture,  etc.,  etc.  He  spoke  of  Cogswell,  ad 
ding  that  he  had  sent  several  little  things  to  him  in  Amer 
ica  by  way  of  Perthes  and  Besser  at  Hamburg.  Goethe's 
appearance  is  that  of  a  healthy  and  active  old  man.  His 
countenance  is  thin  but  shows  no  signs  of  decay. 
"Goethe  is  still  very  industrious.  He  dictates  often 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  99 

for  several  hours  in  succession,  lives  very  secluded,  as 
sociating  with  none  of  the  inhabitants  of  Weimar,  ap 
pearing  neither  at  Court  nor  in  any  parties.  When  any 
ideas  arise  in  his  mind  he  dictates  them  as  a  fragment, 
the  end  of  which  no  one  can  conceive  of,  and  throws 
them  aside,  till  accident  or  inclination  brings  him  again 
on  the  same  subject.  He  has  by  him  often  works 
nearly  finished,  others  in  good  progress  and  others  just 
commenced  on,  so  that  Prof.  Riemer  says  of  him,  he 
brings  forth  like  the  mice,  who  carry  about  in  the  womb 
young  ones  ready  for  delivery,  and  other  just  beginning 
to  exist.  At  present  Goethe  has  finished  a  volume  of 
Wilhelm  Meister,  Wander-Jahren,  and  is  also  engaged 
with  his  *  morphologic/ 

"I  ought  to  mention  that  Goethe  praised  SchlegePs 
translation  of  Shakspeare  and  spoke  of  the  delight  he 
had  taken  in  a  late  perusal  of  Julius  Cesar.  ..." 

On  March  24th  Bancroft  wrote  from  Heidelberg  to 
Dr.  Kirkland  a  letter  of  which  but  a  single  sentence 
needs  to  be  copied:  "After  long  consideration  I  have 
determined  to  profit  for  four  or  six  weeks  by  the  learning 
and  affability  of  the  Heidelberg  scholars,  and  then  go  to 
Paris,  where  I  hope  letters  will  await  me,  which  are  to 
decide  whether  I  may  yet  remain  some  time  in  Europe, 
or  am  to  return  to  America  in  the  fall."  The  Heidel 
berg  scholar  from  whom  most  was  to  be  expected  was 
the  historian  Schlosser,  yet  Professor  Sloane  has  said 
that  Bancroft  "was  scarcely  conscious  of  his  influence."1 
Letters  written  in  April  show  him  to  be  still  in  Heidel- 

1  See  Century  Magazine,  January,  1887. 


100  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

berg,  and  one  of  them,  to  Professor  Lev!  Frisbie,  de 
scribing  the  philosophers  and  philosophies  most  fol 
lowed  in  Germany,  reiterates  Bancroft's  own  aversion 
from  Hegel.  The  records  of  Bancroft's  experiences  in 
Paris  begin  May  5,  1821.  It  was  a  bitter  disappoint 
ment  to  find  awaiting  him  there  no  letters  throwing 
light  upon  his  immediate  plans.  The  following  portion 
of  a  letter  sets  forth  his  anxiety  on  this  point: 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"PARIS,  May  6,  1821. 

.  .  .  "If  it  be  desired  I  am  ready  to  return  home  in 
autumn ;  and  there  doing  what  I  can  for  the  furtherance 
of  classic  studies,  I  might  still  gain  much  time  for  pri 
vate  study,  and  might  almost  as  well  as  in  Europe  build 
up  a  little  on  the  foundations  which  I  have  laid.  I 
believe  I  have  knowledge  enough  of  Latin  and  Greek  to 
venture  on  teaching  them,  at  least  to  beginners,  in  the 
scientific  manner  applied  with  such  success  among  the 
Germans:  I  have  visited,  too,  the  chief  schools  in  that 
land,  and  have  studied  carefully  their  internal  organ 
isation  and  the  cyclus  of  their  studies.  Were  I  to 
return  in  a  few  months  I  might  still  be  able  to  serve  the 
cause  of  letters  well  though  humbly;  till  riper  years  and 
maturer  studies  fit  me  for  better. 

"May  I  then  urge  you  to  favour  me  with  a  few  lines  ? 
They  would  serve  to  govern  me  in  making  my  resolu 
tions  ;  and  would  relieve  me  from  the  state  of  uncertain 
ty  as  to  your  wishes,  which  I  am  now  in.  Indeed  I 
believe  you  have  long  ere  this  time  done  so;  and  con 
trary  winds  or  misfortunes  of  the  sea  may  have  de- 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  101 

tained  the  vessel  which  was  to  bring  me,  what  I  am  so 
anxious  to  obtain.  When  it  arrives  I  shall  welcome  it 
with  joy,  be  its  contents  what  they  may;  be  it  that  I  am 
encouraged  to  continue  and  bring  to  an  end  the  pil 
grimage  towards  the  shrines  of  Art  and  the  altars,  on 
which  the  fire  of  science  is  ever  burning;  or  be  it,  that 
I  am  to  forget  the  attractions  of  Europe  in  the  desire  of 
returning  to  my  country  and  am  soon  to  be  in  person 
there  where  my  heart  has  ever  been.  .  .  . " 

On  the  day  this  letter  was  written  Bancroft  met 
August  Wilhelm  Schlegel,  about  to  return  to  Bonn  with 
Sanskrit  types  and  an  accumulation  of  literary  treasures, 
and  dined  with  an  American  household,  in  company 
with  Washington  Irving.  "He  is  very  amiable,"  says 
the  diary,  "and  altogether  unassuming.  He  is  not 
talkative,  but  converses  leisurely  and  thoughtfully;  and 
his  remarks  are  distinguished  by  their  intrinsic  worth 
and  their  grace."  By  virtue  of  the  excellent  introduc 
tions  from  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  and  others  Bancroft 
was  soon  enjoying  some  of  the  most  interesting  ex 
periences  recorded  in  his  journal. 

"PARIS,  May  7,  1821. 

"...  A  little  before  three  I  called  on  Baron  Hum 
boldt,  who  had  invited  me  to  join  him  at  that  hour, 
and  attend  a  session  of  the  '  Institut  de  France/  We 
entered  a  large  and  spacious  building  appropriated 
to  that  purpose,  and  passing  through  the  hall  to  the 
library,  I  was  ushered  into  the  most  learned  assembly 
of  the  world.  The  members  were  sitting  around  a 
table,  which  extended  through  the  room  in  the  form 


102  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

of  a  hollow  square.  They  were  all  past  the  years 
of  early  manhood;  many  of  them  seemed  on  the 
very  threshold  of  the  grave,  alike  venerable  for  their 
literary  merit  and  their  years.  Mr.  Cuvier  was  reading 
a  communication  as  we  entered.  He  is  a  man  of  still 
a  very  healthy  and  manly  appearance,  looking  much 
younger  than  I  could  have  expected  from  his  long 
celebrity.  He  is  quick  in  his  motions,  especially  in  those 
of  his  very  fine  sharp  eyes.  He  looked  like  a  man  of 
the  world;  and  wore  the  dress  of  a  Gentleman,  as  if  he 
were  accustomed  to  it.  Him  followed  Mr.  D'Alembert, 
the  astronomer,  who  read  a  long  essay  about  the  bones 
of  Descartes.  It  seems,  the  Institute  wished  to  honour 
the  memory  of  that  philosopher:  and  voted  him  a 
funeral,  in  which  all  the  members  followed  his  collected 
bones  to  their  new  grave.  Now  somebody  has  been 
asserting,  that  these  were  not  the  actual  bones  of  Des 
cartes;  that  the  teeth  were  not  the  genuine  teeth;  and 
a  great  many  other  things  equally  important.  So  the 
Astronomer  entertained  the  sage  assembly  for  a  con 
siderable  time  to  prove  that  these  were  the  very  bones 
of  Descartes,  which  the  Institute  had  so  solemnly  de 
posited  in  the  new  sepulchre.  A  very  important  subject 
for  the  collected  wisdom  and  erudition  of  France  to 
discuss!  Some  other  papers  were  read.  One  member 
has  the  right  to  interrupt  another,  to  correct  him  when 
in  an  errour.  This  was  often  done,  and  led  to  very 
lively  discussions.  Cuvier  was  engaged  in  one  of 
them  and  preserved  his  temper  admirably;  but  the 
member,  whom  he  set  aright,  seemed  to  have  lost  all 
patience." 


1813-1822]         PREPARATION  103 


"May  28.  To-day  I  dined  at  Mr.  Benjamin  Con 
stant's.  I  do  not  know  when  I  have  been  present  at  an 
assembly  of  such  choice  spirits,  of  men  eminent  for 
their  learning  and  genius  and  accustomed  to  the  great 
world  during  the  whole  of  an  active  life.  On  entering 
I  found  Mons.  Benj.  Constant  and  General  la  Fayette. 
To  the  latter  I  was  immediately  presented.  The  hero 
took  me  by  the  hand,  which  he  warmly  pressed,  and 
began  talking  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  as  if  to  be 
an  American  were  to  him  a  sufficient  recommendation. 
He  is  a  tall  and  very  stately  man,  with  an  open  amiable 
countenance  —  breathing  good  will  and  philanthropy. 
Next  entered  Mr.  Alex,  de  Humboldt,  and  presently  two 
men,  not  particularly  celebrated,  from  the  department 
which  Mr.  Constant  represents.  A  general  conversa 
tion  on  political  subjects  ensued.  The  more  I  see  of 
Mr.  de  Humboldt,  the  more  I  admire  him;  he  does 
understand  the  art  of  talking  to  perfection.  He  is  at 
home  on  every  subject  that  is  started  ;  I  have  heard  him 
talk  on  philological  subjects  and  what  to  others  seemed 
dry  and  uninteresting,  when  treated  of  by  him  became 
pleasant  as  well  as  instructive.  In  politics  he  is  de 
cidedly  liberal,  and  can  manage  a  political  discussion 
even  with  the  great  masters  of  political  wisdom.  He 
talks  to  the  ladies  with  as  much  ease  as  if  he  had  passed 
years  in  frequenting  saloons  and  drawing-rooms,  instead 
of  climbing  Chimborazo  and  exploring  Mexico;  he 
talks  with  grace  of  the  news  of  the  day,  tells  a  story 
charmingly,  and  relates  a  current  tale  of  intrigue  with 
unrivalled  gaiety  and  spirit.  Last  of  all  the  celebrated 
Dr.  Gall,  the  Craniologist  came  in;  and  we  adjourned 


104  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

to  the  dining-room.  The  conversation  continued  to 
treat  of  politics;  the  general  history  of  the  changes  in 
the  chamber  and  the  causes  of  the  liberal  party  effecting 
so  little  were  discussed.  A  good  deal  of  warmth  was 
used,  for  the  sitting  in  the  house  to-day  had  been  un 
usually  stormy.  Presently  General  Sebastian!  entered, 
and  the  conversation  became  more  interesting  and 
warm.  Mr.  Constant  explained  the  downfall  of 
Decazes :  after  the  unlucky  death  of  the  Duke  of  Berry, 
Decazes  offered  to  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the 
Ultras.  They  however  rejected  him  with  disdain.  He 
attempted  then  to  win  the  liberaux,  but  they  said,  you 
have  no  principles;  we'll  have  nothing  to  do  with  you. 
Three  things  ruin  the  Cote  gauche:  the  metaphysical 
principles,  the  dinners  in  the  country,  and  the  want  of 
union.  The  other  day  as  they  were  about  gaining  a 
question  Lefitte  took  twenty  off  with  him  to  dinner 
at  his  country  house,  and  so  the  point  was  lost.  The 
greatest  freedom  in  conversation  prevails.  No  man 
feels  bound  either  to  conceal  or  soften  his  opinion. 
General  Sebastiani  combatted  Mr.  Constant  with 
warmth;  and  each  one  was  ready  to  explain  and  main 
tain  his  own  views  with  warmth.  Dr.  Gall  spoke  but 
little,  seemed  to  care  little  about  politics.  His  physiog 
nomy  is  very  striking  and  original;  it  expressed  great 
sagacity.  The  dinner  was  remarkably  nice;  every  thing 
was  served  up  genteelly  but  without  display.  We  sat 
in  a  small  snug  room  at  a  convenient  round  table;  so 
that  the  whole  party  was  brought  close  together.  And 
at  that  little  table  how  many  men,  who  hold  a  conspicu 
ous  place  in  the  political  and  literary  world !  Benjamin 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  105 

Constant — General  Sebastiani — Dr.  Gall,  Alexander 
von  Humboldt!  I  never  was  at  so  pleasant  a  dinner 
party.  And  then  that  hero,  whose  fame  we  cherish  in 
America  so  fondly,  General  la  Fayette,  the  purest  of 
politicians,  for  neither  ambition,  nor  prospects  of  glory, 
nor  wealth,  nor  rank,  nor  persecution  has  been  able  to 
make  him  swerve  in  the  least  from  his  principles.  It 
was  nearly  nine  before  we  rose  from  table;  at  that  time 
other  persons  came  in,  to  pass  the  evening  at  Mad. 
Constant's;  this  being  the  evening,  on  which  company 
is  received  at  her  home.  Mr.  Constant  is  a  tall  and  very 
stout  man;  with  finely  broad  shoulders,  and  a  manly 
frame.  His  language  is  excellent;  he  always  expresses 
himself  forcibly  and  elegantly.  He  is  clear  and  practi 
cal  in  his  views.  Of  all  the  members  I  have  heard  in  the 
house,  he  seems  to  me  the  most  eloquent,  and  in  conver 
sation  he  has  a  perfect  command  over  his  language, 
himself,  and  the  ideas,  which  he  is  desirous  of  develop 
ing.  May  the  cause  of  liberty  prosper  in  his  hands!" 

"May  30.  General  la  Fayette  had  encouraged  me 
to  come  to  see  him.  I  went  to  his  house  today,  and  was 
shown  into  his  parlour.  Four  engravings  hang  on  its 
walls.  The  Rights  of  man  and  of  the  citizen,  as  de 
creed  by  the  'Assemblee  Constituante/  and  accepted 
by  King  Louis  XVI,  surrounded  by  appropriate  devices 
are  hung  on  one  side  of  the  door.  A  similar  copy  of 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States  is  on  the  other 
side;  at  the  top  of  it  is  the  likeness  of  Washington.  The 
third  Engraving  is  that  of  the  French  frigate,  which 
when  beaten  by  the  English  chose  rather  to  go  down, 


106  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

than  surrender;  the  moment  chosen  is  that,  when  the 
French  are  about  to  be  swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  and 
in  the  enthusiasm  of  liberty  exclaim,  vive  la  liberte,  vive 
la  Republique.  The  last  Engraving  is  one  taken  from 
the  statue  lately  made  of  Washington  by  Canova.  This 
hangs  in  the  most  conspicuous  part  of  the  room,  and 
attracts  the  eye  at  once  on  entering.  These  are  worthy 
ornaments  for  the  chamber  of  a  distinguished  partisan 
of  liberty.  It  has  seldom  had  in  Europe  so  pure  and 
upright  a  champion  as  General  la  Fayette." 

"  June  20.  This  morning  at  1 1  o'clock  Mr.  Washing 
ton  Irving  called  on  me,  and  proposed  an  excursion  to 
gether  to  Mr.  GallatinV  at  Verrieres.  For  the  sake  of 
his  company  I  was  glad  to  go.  We  walked  to  the  barrier 
of  the  city,  where  there  are  always  small  carriages  in 
waiting  ready  to  go  to  any  village  for  which  they  can  get 
a  freight.  These  vehicles  are  called  .  .  .  cuckoos. 
.  ,  .  They  are  convenient  enough,  clean  and  airy, 
calculated  to  carry  from  six  to  eight  persons.  One  poor 
horse  is  doomed  to  draw  the  whole.  Still  that  poor  one 
must  run  rapidly;  and  as  the  road  is  good  you  get  on 
very  rapidly.  Into  one  of  these  noble  carriages  we 
ascended,  and  for  fifteen  sous  were  transported  in  not 
much  more  than  an  hour  about  7  miles.  The  highway 
to  Orleans  was  the  road  we  took  as  far  as  Bernis.  Here 
we  got  out,  and  determined  to  walk  the  rest.  Thus  far 
the  country  passed  through,  had  been  richly  cultivated 
and  arrayed  in  the  fairest  robes  of  successful  agriculture; 
but  still  it  was  France  for  all  that.  Here  we  turned 

1  Albert  Gallatin,  then  United  States  Minister  to  France. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  107 

aside  from  the  main  road,  and  walked  through  more 
delicious  scenery.  Hills,  woods,  parks,  country  seats, 
villages,  frequent  spires  of  country  churches,  fields 
waving  with  the  tall  corn,  just  beginning  to  lose  its 
greenness,  fruit  orchards,  meadows  where  the  grass 
had  just  been  cut  and  hay  was  then  making,  all  these 
and  the  beauties  attendant  on  such  scenery  delighted 
us,  as  we  went  on.  The  birds  were  singing  merrily  along 
the  road,  and  the  peasants  working  cheerfully  in  the 
fields.  All  the  while  Mr.  Irving  delighted  and  instructed 
by  his  rich  and  varied  conversation.  He  gave  me  such 
advice,  as  his  own  experience  well  enabled  him  to  do, 
and  never  did  I  listen  to  counsels  with  more  satisfaction. 
He  is  in  every  respect  a  most  pure  and  amiable  man. 

"At  my  time  of  life  he  tells  me,  I  ought  to  lay  aside 
all  cares,  and  only  be  bent  on  laying  a  stock  of  knowl 
edge  for  future  application.  If  I  have  not  pecuniary 
resources  enough  to  get  at  what  I  could  wish  for,  as 
calculated  to  be  useful  to  my  mind,  I  must  still  not  give 
up  the  pursuit.  Still  follow  it;  scramble  to  it;  get  at 
it  as  you  can;  but  be  sure  to  get  at  it.  If  you  need 
books,  buy  them;  if  you  are  in  want  of  instruction  in 
any  thing  take  it.  The  time  will  soon  come,  when  it 
will  be  too  late  for  all  these  things. 

"Before  entering  Mr.  Gallatin's  we  looked  out  a  nice 
grass  plot;  and  there  throwing  ourselves  at  length  along 
the  green  shade,  I  was  reminded  of  all  the  carelessness 
and  innocent  delights  of  my  boyhood. 

"  We  found  Mr.  Gallatin  at  home  and  at  leisure,  glad 
to  see  us,  and  willing  to  amuse  us.  The  ladies  had  gone 
to  Paris;  but  were  to  return  to  dinner.  Baron  de 


108  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

Stael,  son  of  the  Mad.  de  Stael,  was  with  Mr.  Gallatin 
as  we  entered.  He  is  a  plain  man,  but  apparently  a 
very  amiable  one.  We  were  soon  left  by  him;  and  then 
some  conversation  ensued.  After  this  Mr.  Gallatin 
took  us  through  his  garden,  and  up  the  hill,  which  rises 
behind  his  house,  and  from  which  we  had  a  most  de 
lightful  view  of  the  whole  adjacent  country.  Two  rows 
of  hills  run  North  and  South  at  some  distance  from  each 
other.  Between  them  flows  a  little  brook,  scarcely  large 
enough  to  be  found,  gently  winding  thro'  the  wide 
valley,  which  it  fertilizes.  Mr.  Gallatin  was  full  of 
playfulness  and  gaiety.  At  dinner  Mrs.  and  Miss 
Gallatin,  young  Mr.  Gallatin  and  Mr.  Sheldon  the 
secretary  of  the  legation  were  added  to  our  nuniber. 
The  dinner  was  excellent;  a  family  never  need  wish  for  a 
better.  To  various  dishes  of  great  delicacy  the  best 
fruits  of  the  season  from  their  own  garden  were  added. 
Conversation  too  was  gay  and  continued.  The  German 
sceptics  in  criticism  were  laughed  at;  those  men,  who 
deal  in  quotations  by  the  hundreds  and  stud  their  pages 
with  long  lists  of  cited  authors  in  the  margin,  were  par 
ticularly  the  subject  of  a  great  deal  of  pleasantry. 
Pere  Harduin1  so  famous  for  his  doubts  was  cited  as  a 
counterpart  to  those,  who  have  of  late  denied  the  exist 
ence  of  Homer.  And  the  little  book,  whose  author  is 
unknown,  'Compere  Matthieu'  was  mentioned  as  ridi 
culing  such  wild  schemes  in  a  masterly  way.  We  left 
Mr.  Gallatin's  at  seven  in  the  evening.  On  returning 
we  took  a  different  way  through  the  fields;  and  had  a 

1  Probably  Jean  Hardouin,  numismatist,  classical  and  theo 
logical  scholar,  1646-1729. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  109 

delightful  walk  as  the  sun  was  going  down  in  a  cloudless 
sky,  the  cool  air  of  evening  heightening  the  delights  of 
exercise.  Just  as  the  shades  of  night  were  drawing  near, 
we  met  with  a  cuckoo,  and  getting  in  were  soon  rolled 
over  the  paved  highway  to  the  vast  metropolis  of  France. 
Passing  over  the  beautiful  Pont  des  Arts  and  crossing 
the  court  of  the  Louvre,  I  parted  from  Mr.  Irving  in  the 
beautiful  street  Rivoli,  and  returned  to  my  own  room 
from  one  of  the  pleasantest  excursions  I  have  ever 
made." 

"  July  4.  This  great  national  festival  did  not  pass 
unnoticed  by  the  Americans,  staying  at  Paris.  It  was 
celebrated  by  a  dinner,  at  which  General  la  Fayette 
was  present.  Toasts  were  drunk,  and  volunteers  given. 
I  gave  'The  land  of  Minerva.  The  birth-place  of  arts, 
philosophy  and  freedom;  civilising  her  conquerors  in 
her  decline,  regenerating  Europe  in  her  fall;  may  her 
sons  rebuild  in  her  climes  the  home  of  liberty/  The 
contest  of  the  Greeks  at  present  is  too  interesting  a 
subject  to  be  talked  of  lightly,  or  to  be  regarded  as  a 
commonplace  war  of  ambition  or  interest.  It  is  a 
nation  rising  against  tyranny  and  vindicating  the  rights 
of  man.  Since  the  days  of  the  American  war  for  inde 
pendence,  there  has  been  no  scene  of  exertion  so  pure 
and  so  glorious  as  this." 

"July  5.  Last  evening  I  returned  from  the  dinner 
at  a  late  hour  with  Mr.  Washington  Irving.  It  was  a 
fine  evening;  we  walked  a  long  time  by  the  side  of  the 
Garden  of  Tuilleries.  He  was  eloquent  in  speaking  of 


110  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

the  advantages,  prospects  and  duties  of  our  Country. 
Mr.  Irving  is  the  most  amiable  and  excellent  man,  in  so 
far  as  I  may  judge,  whom  I  have  met  with  in  Europe. 
I  can  almost  say,  that  I  never  go  away  from  him, 
without  rinding  my  better  principles  and  feelings 
warmed,  strengthened  and  purified  by  his  eloquent 
conversation." 

Both  the  diary  and  letters  of  this  time  betray  loneli 
ness  and  disappointment  at  receiving  so  few  letters  from 
America.  The  diary  preserves  even  some  disconsolate 
verses,  "The  Pilgrim's  Complaint."  One  of  the  letters, 
of  broader  biographical  interest,  must  be  given: 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"PARIS,  July  18,  1821. 

"I  received  some  days  since  a  few  lines  from  you. 
They  were  full  of  kindness,  as  your  letters  always  have 
been.  It  had  been  so  long  too,  that  I  had  been  left 
without  letters  from  home,  that  my  emotions  on  re 
ceiving  them  were  unusually  deep.  Some  weeks  before 
leaving  Gottingen  I  received  a  letter  from  you;  from 
the  date  of  that  letter  more  than  a  year  had  passed;  and 
within  that  time  I  heard  from  you  but  once.  Of  this 
time  I  have  passed  months  without  any  information  of 
any  kind  from  home:  there  were  some  other  circum 
stances  which  contributed  to  render  my  situation  un 
pleasant;  so  that  for  some  time  I  have  written  no  letters, 
excepting  such  as  duty  required.  JTis  but  within  a  few 
months,  that  I  have  learnt '  the  necessity  of  self-reliance.' 
Though  I  have  been  a  thousand  leagues  from  America, 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  111 

I  have  not  entirely  lived  in  Europe.  I  was  glad  to  learn, 
to  observe,  to  compare;  to  admire,  to  be  amused;  but 
the  better  part  of  me  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  At 
lantic.  I  had  accustomed  myself  to  depend  on  my 
friends  there  for  counsel  much  more  than  you  can  easily 
believe.  I  used  to  read  their  letters  carefully;  and 
though  alas!  I  have  never  been  favoured  with  advice, 
with  direct  and  explicit  advice,  I  have  uniformly  de 
duced  from  the  general  tenour  of  their  letters,  what  they 
wish  me  to  become,  and  what  they  desire  me  to  avoid. 
If  the  rhetorician  bids  you  ask,  how  the  great  models  of 
style  would  have  expressed,  what  you  are  expressing; 
how  much  surer  a  guide  it  is  in  moral  action,  to  con 
sider  which  of  your  friends  thinks  most  severely  of 
virtue,  and  what  he  would  judge  of  the  course,  ex 
pedient  to  be  followed.  The  rule  of  the  rhetorician 
may  deceive,  may  be  too  difficult,  impracticable;  but 
the  second  never  can  be  wrong  or  uncertain.  .  .  . 

"You  are  right  to  warn  me  against  the  vice  of 
Europe.  Yet  as  far  as  I  have  been  in  the  world,  I  find 
one  place  nearly  as  bad  as  another.  I  mean  by  that; 
there  are  everywhere  the  means  of  indulgence  offered 
to  the  dissolute.  The  number  of  the  dissolute  is  of 
course  unequal.  But  after  all,  is  Amsterdam  worse 
than  Hamburgh,  or  is  Paris  worse  than  Amsterdam? 
And  can  Naples  exceed  Paris  ?  He  that  will  be  vicious 
can  be  so  in  any  part  of  Europe.  Weimar  is  the  only 
place  I  know  of,  worthy  of  commemoration  for  its  staid 
morality.  Yet  the  temptations,  that  a  young  man  falls 
in  with,  are  not  so  great  as  supposed — unless  he  be 
destitute  of  feeling.  Then  he  may  find  attractions  in 


112  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

every  species  of  disgusting  riot.  But  he,  who  has  a 
heart  and  enthusiasm  will,  amid  a  general  depravity  of 
manners,  seek  out  and  admire  the  few  grand  models  of 
uncorrupted  virtue.  These  become  the  more  effective 
in  awaking  honourable  ambition,  by  the  very  contrast,  in 
which  they  stand  with  the  vulgarity  and  meanness  of  the 
common  herd.  Who,  to  excuse  debauchery,  ever  has 
quoted  the  thousand  corrupt  senators  of  Rome?  Yet 
the  one  untarnished  Cato  has  been  the  bright  point, 
to  which  the  eyes  of  the  young  have  been  turned  for 
many  a  century. 

"Sometimes  when  weeks  or  months  have  passed,  and 
no  line  from  home  has  come  to  gladden  me,  I  look 
within  myself  and  live  within  myself.  I  would  rest  on 
the  bosom  of  nature :  I  would  go  out  among  her  beauties 
and  commune  with  our  general  mother.  I  would  give 
free  course  to  imagination,  create  for  myself  a  world  of 
my  own;  I  would  strive  to  draw  my  principles  and  my 
happiness  from  myself,  and  build  up  my  Paradise  in 
my  own  soul.  And  so  it  must  be.  For  our  faith  and 
our  virtue  we  must  not  depend  on  any  external  impulse, 
but  draw  it  from  a  source,  which  is  always  ours.  Nothing 
must  be  too  high  or  too  pure  for  our  thoughts  and  our 
wishes.  We  must  neither  care  for  good  report  nor  ill 
report,  nor  for  profit  nor  for  loss,  nor  for  utility  nor  for 
suffering.  Strange,  that  a  Christian  moralist  should  in 
his  theory  of  morals  stand  so  far  beneath  Plato  and 
Socrates;  strange  that  a  sound  philosopher  should  call 
utility  the  basis  of  morals!  Prometheus,  exulting  in  the 
virtue,  for  which  an  unjust  power  was  inflicting  on  him 
the  torments  of  hell,  might  have  taught  the  Christian 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  113 

a  sublime  lesson.  The  precept,  Be  perfect  as  God  is 
perfect,  contains  in  itself  the  very  essence  of  morals  and 
religion,  and  are  the  sublimest  words  ever  pronounced 
on  earth.  Such  are  the  principles,  to  which  I  have  been 
led ;  and  now  for  the  first  time  I  feel  myself  independent. 
And  were  I  again  to  be  left  as  I  probably  shall  be  for 
months  without  messages  from  home,  I  could  still  give 
way  with  cheerfulness  to 

'The  wand'ring  thought  and  high  design, 
The  fairy  dreams,  to  virtue  dear,' 

and  when  I  think  of  the  many  charges  made  me  to 
beware  of  the  voluptuous  air  of  the  South,  I  remember 
the  fountain  of  Arethuse,  which,  though  the  whole 
sea  of  Sicily  was  bitter,  passed  through  it  all  without 
losing  its  sweetness.  And  when  I  give  way  to  fancy,  and 
dream  of  futurity  and  form  desires  and  wishes,  I  find 
all  my  hopes  of  enjoyment  on  earth  are  connected  with 
the  hope  of  literary  activity  and  domestic  quiet.  There 
are  three  things  I  covet  much;  yea  four  that  I  vehe 
mently  long  for.  Virtue,  a  life  of  study,  and  cheerful 
ness.  If  to  these  be  added  the  calm  and  pure  delights 
of  friendship,  what  more  do  I  need  to  be  perfectly 
happy?  Now  that  you  are  married,  you  will  say 
perhaps — a  wife — I  am  too  young  to  think  about 
that — therefore  stop  at  friendship.  Are  not  my  wishes 
moderate  ?  Do  not  laugh  at  me  for  my  vast  views. 
To  be  virtuous,  and  studious,  and  cheerful  and  be 
loved!  to  what  man's  lot  did  these  four  things  ever 
fall?  .  .  . 

"I  have  just  received  from  a  friend  a  letter,  an- 


114  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

nouncing  your  marriage  and  the  tour  you  have  been 
making  to  the  lakes.  You  are  happy  now,  are  you  not  ? 
• — perfectly  happy,  or  who  may  ever  hope  to  be  ?  Yet 
do  not  forget  me.  Think  sometimes  kindly  of  me,  and 
sometimes  speak  of  me  to  Mrs.  Norton.  Pray  tell  her, 
there  is  a  little  fellow  in  Europe,  whom  when  a  boy, 
you  thought  worthy  of  your  regard,  and  who,  now  that 
his  boyish  years  are  ending,  is  hoping  as  a  man  to  become 
worthy  of  your  friendship.  He  may  return  so  changed 
by  years,  that  he  will  be  as  it  were  a  stranger  in  his  own 
country.  But  then  add  that  as  Americans  are  famous 
for  their  hospitality,  you  mean  to  give  him  a  warm 
welcome,  and  make  him  love  home  more  than  ever. 
Say  what  you  will,  write  to  me  as  often  as  you  will  or 
can ;  but  do  not  forget  nor  cease  to  regard  with  friendly 
feelings  your  most  true  and  affectionate  friend 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT." 

Between  August  3d  and  28th  Bancroft  paid  a  visit  to 
London  to  meet  his  friend  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  father  of  the 
present  head  of  Harvard  University.  Of  the  steamboat 
crossing  from  Calais  to  Dover  the  diary  says:  "A 
light  breeze  was  blowing  from  England,  while  borne  on 
by  the  power  of  steam  we  kept  a  steady  and  regular 
course  against  the  winds  and  the  tides."  For  seeing  the 
best  of  London  Bancroft  evidently  had  no  such  oppor 
tunities  as  those  which  opened  so  many  doors  to  him  in 
Berlin  and'  Paris.  At  Westminster  Abbey  workmen 
were  "still  busy  in  removing  the  stages  erected  for  the 
coronation  [of  George  IV],  and  all  application  for  ad 
mission  was  in  vain."  Westminster  Hall  he  found 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  115 

"still  fitted  out  with  all  the  crimson  and  gold  of  the 
coronation  festivities."  There  were  fogs,  and  alto 
gether  one  is  not  surprised  to  find  either  the  entry 
(August  13th)  "  London  is  no  place  to  live  in,"  or  the 
later  declaration  (August  28th),  "I  was  glad  to  be  in 
France  again."  Yet  there  are  two  brief  entries  in  the 
diary  at  London,  and  a  letter,  dealing  to  be  sure  more 
with  Paris  than  with  the  English  capital,  which,  for 
their  substance,  claim  a  place  here. 

"LONDON,  August  8,  1821. 

"Dr.  Caldwell,  Professor  at  the  University  of  Ken 
tucky  took  me  last  evening  to  spend  a  few  hours 
in  the  company  of  some  young  friends  of  his, — 
the  daughters  of  Dr.  Bollman.  Their  Father  has 
been  deservedly  admired  for  the  integrity  he  dis 
played  in  the  attempt  to  rescue  General  la  Fayette 
from  his  prison  at  Olmiitz.  An  interesting  volume  of 
travels  in  the  United  States  by  an  English  lady  has  just 
been  published,  in  which  the  merit  of  that  action  has 
been  almost  exclusively  attributed  to  Col.  Huger. 
This  is  unjust;  it  was  Dr.  Bollman,  who  plan'd  the 
undertaking,  and  looking  for  an  assistant  in  it,  could 
find  no  one  but  an  American  worthy  of  implicit  confi 
dence.  That  this  is  the  true  account  I  gather  from  a 
narrative  of  the  event  by  Dr.  Bollman  himself. 

"August  12.  At  the  Unitarian  chapel  in  Essex 
Street  I  heard  Mr.  Belsham,  the  great  apostle  of  Unita- 
rianism  in  England.  He  is  a  corpulent  heavy  man,  dull 
and  monotonous  in  the  delivery  of  his  sermon.  If  the 


116  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

good  cause  had  not  more  eloquent  defenders  in  America 
it  would  make  but  little  progress.  Mr.  Belsham  in  his 
discourse  entered  into  all  the  depths  and  obscurities  of 
metaphysics,  discussing  the  relation  of  the  'mind  or 
percipient  principle'  to  matter,  and  the  possibility  or 
probability  of  the  soul's  being  material.  I  was  disap 
pointed  in  him.  Good  Christianity  is  better  than  bad 
metaphysics." 

To  PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"LONDON,  August  17,  1821. 

"  I  am  now  in  England  for  a  few  days  contrary  to  my 
own  intentions  I  might  almost  say;  and  certainly  to  the 
well  considered  plan  I  had  framed  for  passing  the 
month  of  August  in  Switzerland.  But  as  a  three  days' 
journey  could  give  me  the  comfort  of  seeing  a  friend,  a 
sight  which  I  have  so  long  been  deprived  of,  I  could  not 
resist  Eliot's  request  to  cross  the  channel,  seconded  as  it 
was  by  my  own  wishes.  Travelling  is  not  the  pleasant- 
est  thing  in  the  world;  and  it  is  necessary  frequently  to 
recruit  strength  and  spirits  by  leaning  for  support  on  tile 
bosom  of  an  old  acquaintance.  It  is  now  some  weeks 
since  I  received  the  few  lines,  with  which  you  favoured 
me  last  spring.  Your  letter  was  accompanied  by  one 
from  my  Father  and  another  from  Mr.  Norton.  They 
served  to  throw  light  on  each  other,  and  it  certainly  was 
not  without  high'emotions,  that  I  found  your  favour  and 
that  of  Mr.  N.  hardly  less  expressive  of  kind  feelings 
and  good  will  than  that  of  my  own  Parent.  These  new 
instances  of  benevolence  have  led  me  to  reflect  on  the 


1813-1822}  PREPARATION  117 

singular  vicissitudes  of  my  past  years,  few  as  they  have 
been.  They  have  excited  not  merely  a  warm  sensation 
of  gratitude,  but  others  of  a  mingled  nature,  some  of 
them  painful,  others  most  encouraging.  I  will  not  at 
tempt  to  describe  my  feelings,  because  I  know  I  could 
not  do  so  justly;  and  silence  on  my  part  will  not  I  am 
sure  be  thought  to  indicate  a  deficience  of  proper 
emotion. 

"It  was  three  months,  that  I  passed  in  the  French 
metropolis.  This  residence,  though  all  too  short,  served 
to  cure  me  of  many  ungrounded  prejudices  and  false 
views  of  French  character,  which  I  had  brought  with 
me  from  America.  How  easy  it  is  to  call  a  nation 
fickle  or  corrupt:  of  fierce,  determined  vice  England 
will  show  a  stranger  more  in  a  night  than  France  in  a 
month,  and  as  for  their  reputed  love  of  change  the 
ultras  are  as  stubborn  and  unbending  in  their  attach 
ment  to  royal  prerogatives  and  rights  as  the  body  of  the 
nation  is  firm  and  constant  in  its  love  of  liberty.  And 
never  do  I  expect  to  see  a  people  so  courteous  and  oblig 
ing  as  the  French.  Their  pictures,  their  statues,  their 
1'braries  and  cabinets  are  open  to  every  stranger,  who 
pVesents  himself  for  admittance.  In  London  there  is 
nothing  of  this,  and  except  the  Docks  and  the  Exchange 
I  know  no  public  place  that  may  be  entered  without 
solicitation.  At  Paris  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
particularly  recommended  to  the  illustrious  Prussian 
traveller  A.  von  Humboldt.  He  treated  me  with  the 
utmost  kindness  and  to  him  I  am  indebted  for  several 
most  valuable  acquaintances.  Yet  at  present  there  are 
in  France  no  leading  minds  on  the  stage  to  guide  public 


118  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

opinion  and  give  a  character  to  literary  society.  Among 
the  publishers  there  never  was  a  greater  degree  of 
activity  than  at  the  present  moment;  but  they  are  em 
ployed  rather  in  multiplying  the  editions  of  their  de 
parted  classics  than  in  bringing  forward  original  works. 
The  publishers  are  divided  into  two  political  parties: 
according  as  they  are  supported  by  the  patronage  of  the 
liberals  or  the  royalists.  And  this  guides  them  in  the 
choice  of  works  'to  be  reprinted.  But  the  latter  cannot 
print  Bossuet  as  fast  as  the  former  can  Rousseau;  and 
the  public  seems  to  grow  tired  of  learning  history  from 
Rollin  and  Millot.  Still  the  royalists  adhere  to  them 
and  think  it  quite  revolutionary  to  learn  it  of  more 
recent  historians. 

"In  polite  literature  nothing  new  of  great  value  is 
produced,  but  the  readers  of  poetry  cannot  do  without 
their  novelties,  and  now  for  them  translations  are 
making  of  Shakespeare,  Schiller  and  Byron.  These 
are  the  popular  works  of  the  day  advertised  at  every 
corner  of  Paris,  and  found  on  every  bookseller's  counter. 
They  are  translated  not  into  verse:  that  had  been  too 
difficult  or  impossible,  but  into  a  sort  of  stilted  pros;fc, 
which  is  quite  of  a  sounding  and  astonishing  nature.  '  I 
read  a  little  of  the  French  Byron,  but  was  frightened  at 
the  first  onset,  and  almost  vow'd  never  to  read  him 
again  but  in  the  original.  Yet  he  is  read  with  great 
avidity  throughout  the  gay  city,  and  the  French  Version 
of  Lord  Byron's  new  performances  are  to  be  had  almost 
as  soon  at  the  Palais  Royal  as  at  the  original  publisher's 
in  London.  .  .  . 

"  Apart    from    the    general    affability    of    the    Pa- 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  119 

risians  there  was  another  thing,  which  particularly 
delighted  me.  I  heard  men,  as  distinguished  for  their 
knowledge  of  the  world  as  for  their  genius  or  erudition, 
continually  bestow  the  highest  and  most  judicious 
praises  on  those  of  our  countrymen,  who  during  their 
travels  in  Europe  have  everywhere  done  so  much  to 
conciliate  for  us  the  favour  and  good  wishes  of  Euro 
peans.  I  had  heard  them  extolled  by  the  German 
scholars;  but  that  I  did  not  much  mind,  because  they 
have  seldom  the  faculty  of  discriminating  character  and 
are  wholly  without  knowledge  of  man.  Not  so  they, 
who  live  at  Paris :  and  when  I  have  heard  Mr.  de  Hum- 
boldt  or  the  Duke  de  Broglie  speak  of  Mr.  Everett  and 
Mr.  Ticknor,  I  have  felt  more  proud  than  ever  of  my 
New  England  home.  Mr.  Cogswell  was  particularly 
well  received  by  Cuvier:  and  (little  as  the  character  of 
Cuvier  as  a  man  is  to  be  respected)  where  he  praises,  his 
praise  may  be  regarded  as  sincere.  That  elegant  ob 
server  of  nature  is  haughty  and  disdains  ordinarily  to 
converse  on  subjects  of  science  even  with  the  learned. 
The  sole  exception,  which  I  have  heard  of  his  making, 
was  in  favour  of  Mr.  Cogswell.  I  have  heard  too  the 
judgment,  that  Cuvier  is  understood  to  have  passed  on 
his  genius  and  acquirements.  In  my  youthful  extrava 
gance  I  should  hardly  have  ventured  to  have  said  more 
of  any  man.  If  then  Cogswell  were  to  die  without  leav 
ing  behind  him  laurels  of  unfading  greenness,  what  may 
the  rest  of  us  young  men  hope  for? 

"  Cuvier,  growing  tired  of  his  scientific  glory,  has  set 
up  for  a  gentleman  and  a  statesman.  He  is  foolish 
enough  to  pretend  to  disregard  his  labours  as  an  ob- 


120  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

server  of  nature,  saying,  they  have  been  only  his  amuse 
ments.  He  had  all  along  felt  himself  designed  for  a 
statesman.  Now  what  can  be  more  weak  and  childish 
than  that?  He  has  not  one  quality  requisite  in  a 
minister  excepting  that  of  speaking  gracefully  and 
fluently.  He  is  very  insignificant  as  a  politician;  and 
yet  for  a  few  petty  distinctions  at  court  and  in  high  life 
he  is  ready  to  disregard  the  glory  of  standing  at  "the 
head  of  one  of  the  noblest  sciences.  And  after  all  what 
is  even  a  successful  statesman  in  Europe  ?  A  mere 
king-serving,  time-serving  courtier;  a  thing  without 
enthusiasm  and  without  philanthropy.  Their  glory  is 
as  fleeting  and  as  empty  as  the  light  cloud  that  is  driven 
about  by  the  winds  as  they  are  by  contending  interests, 
and  which  passes,  as  they  pass,  to  make  way  for  another 
as  light.  Cuvier  the  anatomist  is  a  man,  before  whom 
I  could  have  trembled  with  admiration ;  but  Cuvier  the 
politician  encourages  me  again.  And  La  Place  too, 
why  I  was  told  at  Cambridge  by  my  highly  honoured 
instructor,  that  La  Place  was  the  rival  of  Newton.  In 
Paris  his  picture  is  to  be  seen  and  there  you  see  not  the 
likeness  of  him  whose  genius  grasped  the  fabric  of  the 
universe,  but  that  of  a  French  Peer.  A  peer  of  France 
the  rival  of  Newton!  Were  he  a  plain  private  man  I 
would  look  on  him  with  the  same  reverence  with  which 
I  look  back  on  the  memory  of  Archimedes;  and  regard 
him  as  even  greater  than  the  ancient.  But  now  I  know 
that  the  ancient  had  a  noble  and  sublime  soul;  and  I 
know  as  well  that  La  Place  has  a  weak  one;  for  he 
prides  himself  on  a  foolish  distinction,  which  ought 
never  to  have  been  his.  I  cease  to  venerate  the  author 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  121 

of  the  Mecanique  Celeste,  when  I  see  him  give  over  his 
sublime  wanderings  through  the  infinity  of  the  universe, 
worthy  of  an  angel  or  a  disembodied  spirit,  to  play  an 
insignificant  part  in  the  childishness  of  political  squab- 
pies.  ..." 

The  "instances  of  benevolence"  mentioned  in  the 
letter  just  quoted  must  have  had  some  practical  bearing 
upon  the  continuance  of  Bancroft's  stay  in  Europe;  for 
he  was  soon  devoting  a  few  days  in  Paris  to  preparations 
for  a  solitary  walking  trip  through  the  Alps,  on  his  way 
to  Italy  for  the  winter  of  1821-1822.  It  is  no  wonder 
that  he  thought  it  worth  while  to  copy  in  his  journal  the 
note  from  Alexander  von  Humboldt  which  he  bore  with 
him  from  Paris:1 

"  Je  prerids  la  liberte,  mon  respectable  ami  et  confrere 
de  vous  recommander  un  jeune  Americain  qui  a  fait 
d'excellentes  etudes  de  philologie  et  d'histoire  philoso- 
phique  en  Allemagne.  M.  Bancroft  est  bien  digne  de 
vous  voir  de  pres;  il  est  1'ami  de  mon  frere,  et  il  apartient 
a  cette  noble  race  de  jeunes  Americains,  qui  trouvent 
que  le  vrai  bonheur  de  Thomme  consiste  dans  la  culture 
de  Intelligence. 

"  (Signed)     HUMBOLDT. 

"PARIS,  le  7  Septre,  1821." 

For  six  weeks  he  had  but  slight  use  for  letters  of  intro 
duction.  Most  of  this  time  was  spent  in  solitude.  The 

1  It  appears  from  Prof.  W.  M.  Sloane's  article  in  the  Century 
Magazine,  January,  1887,  that  this  note  was  addressed  to  Pictet, 
of  Geneva,  whom  Bancroft  met  there  in  October. 


122  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

diary  contains  a  full  record  of  his  walks  from  place  to 
place  in  the  Alps,  of  the  beauties  of  nature  which  filled 
him  with  delight,  of  his  frequent  thoughts  for  the  future, 
in  which  the  prospect  of  entering  the  Christian  ministry 
engaged  his  serious  attention.  It  was  a  period  of  deeper 
heart-searching  than  Bancroft  seems  to  have  known 
before.  When  the  weeks  of  solitude  began,  he  had  just 
been  driven  to  accept  as  a  fact  the  loss  of  his  brother 
John  at  sea.  The  problems  of  his  own  future  stared 
him  in  the  face,  and  he  showed  no  disposition  to  shirk 
them.  A  passage  from  the  diary  under  the  heading, 
"October  7,  1821.  Egerkingen  to  Fraubrunnen,  8 
leagues,"  is  typical: 

".  .  .It  seemed  to  me  this  morning  that  my  disposi 
tion  fits  me  for  a  clergyman;  and  that  I  never  should  be 
happy,  as  if  God  would  one  day  teach  me  to  pray 
earnestly  and  preach  eloquently.  To  me  it  seems  more 
important  to  enforce  general  purity  of  mind  and  high 
and  generous  feelings,  than  to  distract  attention  by  the 
eulogy  of  individual  virtue  or  declamations  against 
heinous  crimes  and  vices  of  which  mayhap  not  one  of  the 
hearers  ever  would  be  guilty.  I  would  like  to  preach 
not  to  the  old;  they  can  hardly  be  changed;  but  to  the 
young  and  the  innocent;  and  how  happy  should  I/ 
be  in  intimate  and  pure  communion  with  unspotted 
minds. 

"Several  peasants  joined  me  today,  and  a  poor  beg 
garly  fellow  who  was  wandering  on  foot  like  myself, 
seemed  to  think  me  a  very  proper  companion,  and  after 
much  questioning  in  his  horrible  low  German  dialect, 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  123 

seemed  to  think  it  strange  that  I  would  not  stop  and 
drink  a  measure  of  wine  with  him. 

"One  person  who  went  with  me  a  few  steps,  wished 
to  know  if  I  was  of  the  cloth,  ein  geistlicher.  I  must 
have  something  of  the  kind  written  in  my  face,  since  'tis 
not  the  first  time  I  have  been  reckoned  a  clergyman 
by  men,  who  had  never  before  set  eyes  on  me. 

"  For  a  long  time  I  have  not  looked  in  a  mirror,  and  as 
I  glanced  my  eye  at  one  this  morning  I  was  frightened  at 
my  own  long  black  beard.  I  wonder  I  have  not  been 
taken  for  a  madman.  My  socks  are  all  worn  out,  my 
trowsers  are  going,  my  shoes  are  good  for  nothing,  my 
coat  is  decaying,  my  money  is  nearly  spent;  in  truth  I 
shall  be  glad  when  I  see  Geneva  again.  ..." 

There  are  other  passages  revealing  the  highest  exalta 
tion  of  spirits.  At  one  point,  he  writes,  "I  was  seized 
with  delight,  tho'  warm  with  a  long  walk,  could  not  but 
caper  and  sing  or  at  least  cry  out  a  chorus  of  a  rude  song, 
as  I  passed  amidst  such  beautiful  scenes.  I  danced  and 
sported  and  sprang  about  and  might  well  have  been 
taken  for  a  madman."  Elsewhere  he  describes  himself 
as  "  making  verses  at  a  great  rate."  The  following  portion 
of  a  letter — from  which  an  equal  portion  including  two 
poetical  outbursts  is  omitted — reflects  something  of  the 
rhapsodic  mood  which  coloured  all  the  Swiss  experiences : 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"GENEVA,  October  13,  1821. 

"My  kindest  and  most  respected  friend,  before 
crossing  the  Alps,  which  I  hope  to  do  ere  the  full  moon 


124  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

loses  aught  of  her  brightness,  I  wish  once  more  to  recall 
myself  to  your  affection.  When  in  Italy  there  will 
be  so  much  for  me  to  do,  and  so  few  opportunities  of 
writing,  that  I  shall  hardly  be  able  to  send  regular  ac 
counts  of  myself:  which  will  be  the  less  necessary,  as  I 
hope  soon  to  be  bodily  among  you.  I  reached  Geneva 
about  four  weeks  ago :  the  month  of  October  promised 
to  be  pleasant:  and  I  hastened  to  enter  among  those 
valleys,  which  I  have  so  long  wished  to  see.  Leaving 
Geneva  on  the  Southern  side,  I  passed  through  all 
Savoy,  the  delicious  valley  of  Chamouny,  saw  the 
Glaciers  and  icy  oceans  of  Mount  Blanc,  ascended  the 
Rhone,  crossed  the  Alps  to  the  sweet  Lakes  of  Thun  and 
Brientz,  have  been  near  the  Jungfrau's  untrodden 
snows,  and  seen  the  avalanche  tumbling  from  her  peaks, 
crossed  the  high  Grimsel,  beheld  where  the  Rhone 
gushes  from  its  glacier,  and  then  passed  through  all  that 
country,  of  which  I  had  so  often  dreamed  in  childhood, 
where  the  deeds  of  Tell  and  the  well  fought  battles  of 
liberty  have  lent  an  omnipotent  charm  to  every  valley 
you  gaze  on.  Earth  has  not  scenes  like  these,  where  for 
many  a  league  you  walk  through  narrow  valleys  hardly 
a  mile  wide,  and  see  rising  on  each  side  of  you  the  lofty 
walls  of  the  Alps  with  their  snow  tops,  that  the  sun  has 
no  power  on.  When  I  entered  Switzerland  I  came  with 
a  heavy  and  desponding  heart.  One  event  after  another 
had  happened  to  crush  everything  like  cheerfulness  in 
my  bosom ,  and  though  I  had  not  yet  gained  my  one  and 
twentieth  year,  my  mind  seemed  to  be  sear,  and  I  al 
most  thought  I  had  the  heart  of  an  old  man.  But  I 
have  reposed  on  the  bosom  of  nature,  and  have  there 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  125 

grown  young  again :  from  her  breasts  gush  the  streams 
of  life,  and  they  who  drink  of  them,  regain  cheerfulness 
and  vigour.  I  travelled  alone  and  like  a  pilgrim  on  his 
tour  to  the  promised  land.  I  was  on  foot.  Yet  I 
never  felt  fatigue,  and  solitude  was  delightful.  I  could 
sit  undisturbed  amid  the  beauties  of  nature,  and  give 
way  to  the  delightful  flow  of  feelings  and  reflections, 
which  came  hurrying  on  me,  as  I  sat  on  the  Alpine 
rocks  and  gazed  on  the  Alpine  solitudes.  Never  till 
now  did  I  know  how  beautiful  and  how  kind  a  mother 
Earth  is.  ... 

"  As  evening  came  on,  I  was  walking  along  the  banks 
of  the  lake  of  Thun.  Its  banks  are  perpendicular 
often,  always  steep  excepting  to  the  S.  W.  and  of  a 
tremendous  height.  Here  I  was  unattended  but  by  my 
thoughts,  with  the  water  on  one  side,  and  the  rocks 
clothed  in  tannen  on  the  other.  A  heavy  rain  came 
on :  the  clayish  soil  became  muddy :  and  impeded  me  in 
marching;  streams  were  pouring  down  the  rocks:  my 
path  did  as  it  were  often  lay  in  a  torrent:  and  I  had 
already  walked  nearly  thirty  miles,  and  had  yet  6  to  put 
behind  me.  Yet  I  walked  patiently,  aye  calmly  and 
cheerfully;  I  said  to  the  winds,  blow  on,  I  care  not  for 
ye;  to  the  sun,  hide  thy  beams,  I  carry  a  sun  in  my 
bosom:  to  the  rains,  beat  on;  for  my  thoughts  gush 
upon  me  faster  than  your  drops.  Night  came  on:  I 
took  many  a  precipice  for  the  opening  into  a  village; 
many  a  tall  mass  of  granite  for  a  house;  and  once  I 
exclaimed  there  is  the  inn,  and  there  its  sign,  as  I  saw 
a  steep  rock,  from  whose  top  there  hung  down  several 
bushes  fantastically  tangled.  But  at  last  I  reached 


126  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

Unterseen,  slept  soundly  and  sweetly,  for  I  composed 
myself  to  slumber  in  hope;  and  lo!  in  the  morning  the 
tops  of  the  Jungfrau  were  glittering  in  the  sun,  and  the 
valleys  laughed  in  their  green  sunshiny  loveliness. 
Now  were  you  ever  to  feel  sad;  if,  which  God  avert, 
if  you  were  destined  to  suffer  and  to  mourn,  then  look 
for  consolation  in  solitude:  go  out  into  the  fairest 
scenes  of  earth,  pour  out  your  sorrows  upon  na 
ture's  bosom:  she  will  fold  you  in  her  arms  and  give 
you  vigour  and  serenity  again:  but  if  any  of  those, 
who  are  sailing  carelessly  along  in  the  gilded  bark  of 
happiness,  come  to  you  to  offer  consolation,  do  not 
listen  to  them.  Tell  them  they  are  fools — tell  them 
to  go  float  like  the  butterflies  in  the  sun  and  leave 
you  to  retirement:  tell  them  the  mourning  heart  is 
as  one  of  the  vast  feathered  train  of  passage,  whose 
wing  hath  been  broken  by  the  arrow  of  the  hunter; 
and  that  'tis  easy  for  one  of  his  companions  to  stoop 
for  a  moment  in  passing  from  his  proud  course,  and 
bid  the  poor  wretch  that  is  moaning  in  the  bushes  to 
have  patience.  .  .  . 

"But  I  had  better  stop:  my  letter  is  already  too  long 
and  I  had  rather  you  would  think  me  happy,  than  tell 
you  what  cause  I  have  to  be  sorrowful.  I  shall  soon 
be  with  you:  till  then  preserve  for  me  your  good  will 
and  kind  affection:  I  could  wish  that  on  my  return 
things  would  present  themselves  to  my  mind  in  as 
vivid  colours,  as  they  have  done  when  in  my  solitary 
walks.  I  have  reflected  on  virtue  and  truth  and  re 
ligion,  and  called  up  in  my  memory  the  bright  examples 
of  disinterested  enthusiasm:  I  could  wish  that  I  could 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  127 

one  day  write  or  speak  as  I  have  then  thought;  for  then 
I  should  be  eloquent:  I  could  wish  that  the  flow  of 
reflection  would  always  be  as  chaste  as  it  then  was ;  for 
I  then  should  be  virtuous:  I  could  meet  an  angel  and 
not  blush;  and  if  I  could  always  possess  the  calm 
serenity  of  spirit,  which  I  have  sometimes  felt,  when  the 
rain  has  been  pelting  over  me  and  the  torrents  streaming 
round  my  feet,  descending  night  break  in  wrath  her 
vials  of  bitterness  over  me,  the  winds  of  destruction  beat 
on  me  and  the  rains  of  misfortune  gather  to  fall  on  my 
poor  head:  and  I  should  still  be  calm,  resigned  and 
happy.  Farewell  I  am  neither  mad,  nor  extravagant, 
nor  dreaming.  I  am  cheerful  and  rational  and  serene: 
now  that  time  is  precious  to  me,  that  moments  are  to 
be  counted  I  have  willingly  resolved  to  spend  two  days 
here,  to  write  once  more  to  my  friends  before  I  enter 
Italy.  In  5  or  7  days  I  may  be  at  Milan.  I  would 
willingly  leave  my  cares  behind  me  and  enter  Italy 
with  a  light  heart.  Again  I  say  farewell:  if  happiness 
dwells  where  it  ought  to  do,  is  not  your  house  the  most 
cheerful  on  earth  ?  I  hope  it  is ;  and  hope  in  the  midst 
of  your  gladness  some  thoughts  sometimes  glance  off 
towards  me. 

Oh  think  of  me,  when  coldly  blow 

The  sullen  breezes  of  November; 
For  while  o'er  mildest  climes  I  go 

Thy  love  and  mildness  I'll  remember. 

And  when  the  glad  new  year  is  come, 
And  cheerfully  thy  hearth  is  burning; 

Oh!  think  of  him  who  e'en  at  Rome 
His  thoughts,  his  heart  towards  thee  is  turning. 


128  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

And  when  the  April  rains  descend, 
And  seeds  of  life  in  earth  ye  bury, 

Still  bless  thy  fond,  thy  wand'ring  friend, 
Who's  soon  to  tempt  the  rough  sea's  fury. 

And  when  in  May  the  budding  tree 

In  every  breast  awakes  devotion, 
Then  in  thy  prayers  remember  me, 

For  then  I'll  brave  th'  unsparing  ocean. 

And  when  the  summer  sun  grows  warm, 
And  light  winds  rock  the  rose  that  woos  'em 

Then  open  wide  thy  friendly  arm, 
And  clasp  me  kindly  to  thy  bosom. 

"Ever  yours, 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT." 

The  "five  or  seven  days"  allowed  for  reaching  Milan 
were  extended  only  to  nine.  On  October  22d  we  find 
him  there.  On  the  23d  and  again  on  the  28th  his  diary 
contains  accounts  of  dining  with  Alexander  Manzoni 
and  his  family.  Down  to  the  youngest  children  they 
received  the  traveller  as  only  a  most  acceptable  guest 
could  be  received.  On  the  28th  he  saw  Leonardo  da 
Vinci's  "Last  Supper,"  and  piously  exclaimed  in  his 
diary:  "The  door  cut  thro'  the  legs  of  the  Saviour  can 
not  be  viewed  without  horror."  There  are  two  entries 
in  the  journal  for  the  27th,  which  in  the  fight  of  Ban 
croft's  subsequent  experiment  in  school-teaching  and 
of  the  ripe  old  age  he  attained,  should  be  preserved. 

"MILAN,  October  27,  1821. 
"OF  SCHOOLS 

"In  reflecting  on  establishing  a  school  on  a  large 
foundation,  it  appears  to  me  that  something  new  might 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  129 

be  undertaken  with  usefulness  and  advantage.  1. 
Greek  should  be  the  first  language  taught :  it  would  be 
easy  to  procure  or  to  make  the  necessary  works  for 
that.  A  translation  of  French's  small  grammar;  and 
of  Jacob's  Handbook  would  be  sufficient  for  a  com 
mencement.  2.  Natural  History  should  be  taught:  it 
quickens  all  the  powers,  and  creates  the  faculty  of  accu 
rate  observation.  Even  in  the  town  schools  so  much  of 
natural  history  as  relates  to  the  plants  of  husbandry  and 
weeds  which  torment  the  farmer,  ought  to  be  taught 
simply  but  thoroughly  to  every  boy,  and  most  of  all 
to  the  poorest — whose  lot  it  is  to  till  the  earth.  3. 
Emulation  must  be  most  carefully  avoided,  excepting 
the  general  and  mutual  desire  of  excelling  in  virtue. 
No  one  ought  to  be  rewarded  at  the  expense  of  another, 
and  even  where  there  is  nothing  but  prizes,  they  who 
fail  of  gaining  them,  may  have  been  impeded  by  the 
nature  of  their  talents  and  not  by  their  own  want  of 
exertion.  4.  Corporal  punishments  must  be  abolished 
as  degrading  the  individual,  who  receives  them,  and  as 
encouraging  the  base  passions  of  fear  and  deception. 
5.  Classes  must  be  formed  according  to  the  characters 
and  capacities  of  each  individual  boy.  6.  Country 
schoolmasters  might  be  formed  with  little  expense  by 
annexing  to  the  school  an  institution  for  orphans,  to  be 
educated  for  schoolmasters.  Of  these  the  best  might 
be  chosen  for  a  learned  discipline,  and  be  fitted  for 
taking  care  of  academies.  7.  Eventually  a  vast  print 
ing  establishment  might  be  annexed  to  the  school. 

"For  myself  at  the  present  moment  I  would  pray  to 
be  preserved  from  an  early  death.     I  would  like  to 


130  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

console  my  parents  in  their  afflictions,  to  cultivate  a  love 
of  virtue,  and  by  being  useful  to  repay  the  kindness, 
which  has  ever  been  shown  me  by  the  benevolent  and 
high  minded.  Yet  I  would  not  wish  to  linger  out  to  a 
wretched  old  age  of  body  and  of  withered  faculties :  but 
when  the  days  of  active  exertion  are  passed  be  removed 
to  a  brighter  sphere,  where  I  might  serve  the  Omnipotent 
in  exercising  his  will,  or  if  not  chosen  for  high  employ, 
might  stand  in  humility  and  wait. " 

Of  the  journey  from  Milan  to  Venice  one  episode 
must  be  given.  Bancroft  reached  Brescia  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  29th,  and,  having  seen  the  new 
cathedral,  climbed  a  hill  which  overlooked  the  city. 
The  view  filled  him  with  delight.  "The  sun  was  just 
setting:  half  of  his  red  disc  was  already  beneath  the 
horizon,  and  I  watched  closely  the  moment,  when  all 
would  vanish.  Just  as  I  was  giving  way  to  my  feelings 
of  rapture,  two  Austrian  soldiers  presented  themselves 
not  far  from  me,  one  armed  with  a  gun  and  bayonet,  and 
in  the  grossest  and  most  absolute  terms  ordered  me  to 
descend,  adding  harshness  to  insolence  and  threats  to 
contumely.  I  was  exasperated  at  being  interrupted  in 
my  calm  admiration  of  nature,  and  in  that  moment  my 
dislike  of  despotisms  and  military  tyranny  was  stronger 
than  ever.  But  resistance  was  vain  and  recrimination 
would  have  been  dangerous.  A  soldier  in  Europe  is 
licensed  to  be  insolent,  and  a  musket  ball  never  varies 
from  its  course  for  an  argument's  sake.  I  hastened  to 
touch  the  earth  again,  and  the  breath  of  evening,  and 
the  still  vivid  colours  of  departed  day,  and  the  aspect  of 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  131 

the  new  moon  were  hardly  able  to  tranquilise  me  again. 
I  returned  to  our  inn  and  soon  slept  soundly  undis 
turbed  by  bad  dreams,  and  being  confident  in  Providence 
I  reposed  fearless  of  ' force  of  rude  and  violent  men/" 

In  Venice,  Florence  and  the  smaller  cities  through 
which  he  passed  on  his  way  to  Rome  he  saw  many 
things  with  an  enthusiasm  which  tinges  the  pages  of  his 
diary  with  a  bright  colour.  On  November  25th  he 
arrived  in  Rome.  With  its  churches,  galleries,  and 
manifold  riches  the  greater  part  of  his  Italian  journal  is 
concerned.  Here  it  must  suffice  to  reproduce  a  few  of 
the  passages  recounting  the  more  distinctively  personal 
experiences : 

"ROME,  November  26,  1821. 

"I  rose  early,  though  I  had  been  kept  up  to  a  late 
hour  by  the  forms  of  the '  Doyana '  and  the  police  officers, 
and  no  sooner  was  I  dressed,  than  I  hastened  over  the 
bridge  of  Hadrian  to  the  Church  of  St.  Peter.  As  I 
came  to  the  bridge  I  beheld  the  dome,  rising  in  dignified 
solitude  above  every  thing  far  and  near;  and  then  not 
even  the  tomb  of  Hadrian  detained  me  a  moment.  I 
ran  on,  till  I  came  to  the  Place  of  St.  Peter,  the  sub- 
limest  and  most  impressive,  which  I  have  ever  beheld. 
I  was  silent  with  admiration;  my  thoughts  were  sent 
back  to  my  own  bosom;  and  I  walked  by  the  Obelisk 
between  the  fountains  and  along  the  majestic  Doric 
Colonnades,  wrapt  in  those  feelings  which  I  love  most  of 
all  to  indulge  in.  I  have  heard  of  the  disappointment 
experienced  on  the  first  sight  of  St.  Peter's:  I  thank 
Heaven  that  I  had  no  emotions  but  those  of  wonder  and 


132  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

delight,  and  when  'tis  said  that  the  front  of  the  church 
does  not  seem  vast,  I  think  nothing  is  meant,  but  that 
it  is  not  monstrously  huge.  I  entered  the  noblest 
shrine  which  man  has  raised  of  the  God  of  Christians, 
filled  with  those  feelings  of  devotion  and  enlargement 
of  soul,  which  such  a  sight  of  grandeur  may  well  pro 
duce.  After  walking  up  its  grand  nave,  and  around  its 
altars,  and  among  its  chapels  and  aisles,  which  were 
doubly  solemn  and  pleasing  for  being  almost  solitary  at 
that  early  hour,  I  threw  myself  on  my  knees  before  the 
grand  altar,  and  returning  thanks  to  God  for  guarding 
me  amidst  all  the  dangers  of  travelling,  preserving  me  on 
the  high  seas  and  on  shore,  raising  up  friends  and  bene 
factors  for  me  wherever  I  have  been,  and  blessing  me 
with  health  and  external  prosperity  in  an  almost  un 
exampled  manner,  I  besought  his  Goodness  in  my 
humble  petition  to  prepare  blessings  and  happiness  for 
those  generous  friends  through  whose  kindness  and 
munificence  I  have  seen  foreign  countries  and  been  able 
to  prosecute  my  journey  even  to  that  city  which  I  had 
ever  most  desired  to  see.  My  parents  and  every  mem 
ber  of  my  family  were  remembered  too  in  these  moments 
of  my  life,  which  were  too  sweet  and  too  solemn  to  be 
ever  forgotten. 

"  Leaving  St.  Peter's  I  returned  to  breakfast,  and 
then  hastening  to  my  banker's  I  found  there  two  letters, 
one  from  young  Hedge,  another  from  the  lady,  whom  I 
revere  admire  and  love  above  all  women  on  earth,  whom 
I  have  ever  seen.  She  is  to  me  a  bright  star,  guiding 
me  on  to  virtue  and  industry:  she  is  a  ministering  angel, 
pouring  comfort  into  a  wounded  breast,  lending  me 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  133 

encouragement  and  the  best  of  patronage,  kindness  and 
affectionate  advice  and  making  me  believe  myself 
capable  of  virtue  and  honourable  deeds,  since  she  thinks 
me  worthy  of  her  friendship."1 

"December  17,  1821.  .  .  .  Wrote  some  verses,  sug 
gested  by  a  print  I  saw  of  Beauty  driving  away  time. 
This  I  did  only  as  an  exercise;  and  mean  often  to  make 
verses,  though  I  know  they  will  for  the  most  part  be 
poor  ones.  But  I  do  it  only  as  a  useful  task,  a  good 
method  of  gaining  a  command  of  language  and  learning 
to  attend  to  the  nice  construction  of  the  lines  of  our 
harmonious  English  poets.  Perhaps  I  may  one  day  be 
able  to  make  tolerably  good  ones." 

''December  21.  This  evening  I  was  presented  to 
the  Princess  Borghese,  sister  of  Napoleon.  On  entering 
the  rooms,  I  passed  through  an  elegant  suite  of  apart 
ments  to  the  one,  in  which  company  was  assembled. 
Here  the  maid  of  honour  to  the  Princess  received  me  and 
conducted  me  into  the  private  room  of  the  Princess, 
who  received  me  with  the  utmost  kindness.  There  was 
a  grace  and  an  ease  in  her  manners,  which  were  de 
lightful.  Kind  but  not  familiar,  attentive  but  yet 
dignified,  she  has  a  more  elegant  suavity  of  manners, 
than  I  remember  to  have  seen  in  any  woman  of  rank,  to 
whom  I  have  been  presented.  She  said  civil  things  of 
America  in  general,  of  her  prepossessions  in  their 

1  There  were  letters  at  about  this  time  from  Mrs.  Storrow,  at 
whose  house  in  Paris  Bancroft  had  first  met  Washington  Irving. 
That  the  reference  above  is  to  her  seems  a  reasonable  conjecture. 


X34  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

favour,  of  her  gratitude  to  them  for  their  civility  to  her 
brother,  and  asking  me  how  long  I  was  to  stay  at  Rome, 
expressed  a  wish  to  see  me  often.  Then  leaving  me 
she  went  to  the  assembly,  whom  she  received  and  con 
ducted  to  the  Music  room.  I  was  however  first  shown 
her  diamonds  and  precious  stones,  a  most  splendid  sight 
and  then  taken  to  the  room,  where  the  Princess  was  enter 
taining  her  company.  I  admired  the  amiable  manner, 
in  which  she  paid  attention  to  them  all:  every  lady, 
who  entered  was  welcomed  with  a  kind  smile  and  a  kiss. 
To  one  she  gave  a  rose;  she  sat  down  by  another;  con 
versed  with  another,  keeping  every  one  amused,  and 
putting  every  one  at  ease.  The  furniture  of  the  room 
was  splendid.  The  walls  were  adorned  with  portraits 
of  the  family;  the  tapestry  was  very  splendid,  of  damask; 
the  chairs  rich  and  elegant;  a  beautiful  harp  orna 
mented  one  side  of  the  room,  placed  near  a  fine  piano. 
During  the  evening  we  had  some  music,  one  lady  playing 
on  the  piano,  and  Mad.  Dumesnil,  the  maid  of  honour 
or  rather  Dame  du  Palais  accompanying  her.  The 
music  was  divine.  Of  the  persons  present  few  were 
English.  There  was  one  most  exquisitely  beautiful 
young  Italian  woman,  reckoned  the  handsomest  in 
Rome,  a  princess  or  two,  and  several  others,  whose 
names  were  not  told  me.  Here  too  I  saw  Mrs.  Patter 
son,  formerly  wife  of  Jerome  Bonaparte.  She  is  still 
pretty,  though  not  astonishingly  so.  The  evening 
passed  very  charmingly.  I  was  highly  pleased  with  the 
gracefulness  of  the  Princess.  She  spoke  to  me  several 
times  during  the  evening,  always  very  kindly,  and 
seemed  exceedingly  ready  to  oblige  those  who  wished 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  135 

to  see  her  villa  and  fine  things.  The  entertainment  con 
sisted  of  ices,  creams,  tea  and  a  little  cake.  The  ladies 
were  all  neatly  dressed ;  the  gentlemen  as  for  the  soiree 
of  any  lady:  not  in  a  court  dress.  The  Princess  is  a 
small  woman,  elegant,  and  when  young  may  have  been 
beautiful.  She  is  still  charming." 

"December  22.  ...  A  proof  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
Romans  has  just  been  given.  At  one  of  the  better  book 
stores  of  Rome  I  was  looking  at  various  articles,  when 
I  was  asked  of  what  country  I  was  by  an  Italian,  who 
had  entered.  As  I  answered  of  the  United  States, 
he  rejoined  of  Philadelphia  or  Boston?  I  answered 
Boston.  Ah!  said  the  bookseller,  I  have  a  large  book 
in  my  shop  about  Boston;  pray,  come  and  look  at  it. 
I  did  so  and  found  it  to  be  a  history  of  Hindostan.  '  Mi 
son  sbagliato,' cried  he/ a  little  mistake,  I  took  Hindoston 
to  be  Boston." 

"ROME,  January  1,  1822. 

"The  new  year  has  opened  most  beautifully.  A 
warm  sun,  a  cloudless  sky,  a  mild  and  refreshing  air 
filled  my  heart  with  gladness:  a  pleasant  thing  it  is  to 
the  eyes  to  behold  the  sun:  to  me  earth  seems  beautiful. 
I  love  life:  I  love  the  refreshing  rays  of  the  sun;  I  re 
joice  in  myrtles  and  roses;  in  the  fair  face  of  nature,  in 
health  and  vigorous  youth. 

"The  first  day  of  a  year  is  a  time  for  serious  reflections 
and  recollections.  I  have  spent  most  of  this  day  in 
thinking  of  my  home;  of  my  parents,  and  all  those  who 
are  connected  with  me  by  blood ;  of  my  benefactors ;  of 
those  who  honour  me  with  their  esteem,  and  those  who 


136  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

make  me  happy  with  their  friendship.  Peace  and  glad 
ness  to  them  all;  may  their  lives  pass  as  free  from  cares 
and  misfortunes  as  our  Roman  sky  was  this  evening 
from  clouds.  May  they  preserve  their  affection  for 
me  against  the  hour  of  my  return. 

"I  cannot  but  think  seriously  of  the  future.  This 
year  will  see  me  returned  to  my  country,  if  such  be 
God's  will,  and  before  its  end  I  may  be  engaged  in  the 
duties,  which  are  to  last  me  my  whole  life.  Who  can 
say  how  great  those  duties  will  be  ?  Who  can  tell,  how 
long  that  life  may  be  spared  ?  I  begin  to  feel  a  strong 
desire  of  engaging  in  the  ministry,  of  serving  at  the 
altar  of  God:  I  would  now  willingly  rest  my  hope  of 
distinction  on  the  hope  of  my  being  eloquent  and  useful 
in  preaching  the  grand  doctrines  of  Christianity,  in 
speaking  of  God  the  author  of  the  universe  and  the 
source  of  all  science,  of  Christ  who  has  made  us  ac 
quainted  with  his  nature,  of  the  nature  and  possibility 
of  virtue,  of  the  duty  of  becoming  like  God,  of  life, 
death  and  immortality. 

"There  are  many  things  in  my  character  yet  to  be 
changed  or  improved.  I  long  to  become  more  deeply 
devout:  but  the  full  and  internal  devotion  cannot  be 
fully  gained  by  a  wanderer:  at  home  in  retirement  there 
will  be  many  an  opportunity  of  becoming  well  ac 
quainted  with  the  work  of  the  pious,  who  have  written 
so  feelingly  on  religion.  From  them  I  would  strive  to 
learn  the  true  road  to  divine  truth,  and  the  direct  way 
to  win  hearts.  Bonaventura,  Thomas  a  Kempis,  St. 
Gregory  Nazianzenus  and  St.  Chrysostom  are  men, 
whose  works  I  must  consult.  I  must  learn  to  govern 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  137 

my  thoughts  more;  to  discipline  my  mind  with  severity, 
to  restrain  a  giddy  and  fruitless  enthusiasm,  and  put  in 
its  place  a  more  sober  and  earnest  spirit  of  resolution. 
Then  too  I  must  grow  manly :  for  I  have  gained  the  age 
of  a  man,  and  must  remember,  that  the  time,  when  I 
could  indulg .  without  thinking  of  active  life  in  a  com 
munion  with  great  minds,  who  are  departed,  when  I 
could  draw  knowledge  from  books  without  being 
troubled  by  a  weight  of  labours,  and  without  reflecting 
that  the  whole  end  of  learning  is  not  the  delight  it  gives 
the  mind,  is  now  past  and  forever.  The  thought  of  duty, 
of  active  labour  in  life,  is  ever  busy  in  my  mind:  the 
cry  of  public  employment  rings  in  my  ears;  there  is  no* 
room  for  retiring.  And  he,  who  is  soon  to  fill  a  public 
place  of  trust  and  most  of  all  a  sacred  one,  must  be 
manly  and  ingenuous,  vigilant  over  his  thoughts  and  not 
inattentive  to  appearances.  I  am  soon  to  go  home; 
and  may  I  go,  serious  and  manly,  ready  for  action  and 
fit  for  honourable,  dignified  and  useful  exertions." 

"ROME,  January  3,  1822. 

"The  words  of  my  Father  in  his  letter  of  Nov.  12, 
1821,  I  can  never  forget.  .  .  .  Yes,  my  dear  Father, 
if  God  will  preserve  my  life  and  lend  me  strength 
I  will  strive  yet  to  be  a  support  to  your  declining 
years  and  a  protector  to  your  children.  Of  all  things 
that  I  remember  with  delight,  I  think  most  gladly  of 
your  love.  You  never  chid  me  unjustly;  you  never 
taught  me  any  principle  of  selfishness;  you  never  bade 
me  watch  carefully  the  mere  interests  of  this  world. 
You  gave  me  nothing  but  kindness,  you  taught  me  noth- 


138  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

> 

ing  but  virtue.  Best  of  Fathers,  may  I  never  forget 
your  precepts;  may  I  never  be  unmindful  of  your  les 
sons  in  religion.  But  most  of  all  may  I  learn  of  you 
that  fixed  and  deep  faith,  which  can  fasten  its  eye  on 
immortality  and  clearly  discern  the  scene  of  eternal 
blessedness.  You  are  my  dearest,  my  kindest,  my 
holiest  master:  and  if  I  do  but  heed  your  instructions 
well,  it  will  be  more  important  to  me  than  all  the 
sciences  of  earth,  than  all  the  arts  and  accomplishments 
of  life.  Oh!  God;  spare  me  till  I  gather  strength,  and 
go  hence  to  be  no  more,  spare  me  for  the  embrace  of  a 
father,  the  warm  love  of  a  mother;  and  may  the  hopes, 
which  they  rest  on  me,  not  be  vain." 

"January  5,  1822.  A  rainy  day.  I  remained  at 
home  till  dinner-time.  Went  then  to  see  Mess.  Coolidge 
and  Ritchie  with  whom  I  dined.  We  were  all  to  go  in 
the  evening  to  the  Princess  Pauline  Borghese's  where  I 
was  to  introduce  them.  We  entered  the  palace  just 
before  eight:  and  were  very  glad  to  find  only  the  Prin 
cess'  own  family  collected.  She  soon  made  her  ap 
pearance,  sweetly  dressed,  arrayed  in  Beauty  and  smiles 
and  received  us  most  graciously.  We  formed  a  little 
circle  round  her,  and  she  guided  the  conversation  with  a 
most  winning  sweetness  of  manner.  I  had  never  known 
what  she  is  till  now;  for  now  she  spoke  of  herself  with 
ease  and  freedom,  mentioned  her  own  misfortunes,  her 
predilection  for  the  United  States;  saying  they  were  the 
only  asylum  for  persons  who  had  suffered  as  she  had. 
She  spoke  of  her  health,  which  is  wretched;  that  she 
has  grown  wan  and  thin;  (and  yet  even  in  her  ill  health 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  139 

she  is  beautiful)  she  can  eat  nothing, — so  weak  is  her 
stomach;  and  for  the  whole  day  had  taken  only  a  little 
bouillion.  She  sees  company;  tho'  she  is  fond  of 
solitude:  for  her  ill  health  inclines  her  to  melancholy. 
She  said  all  this  with  great  suavity,  made  us  observe  how 
small  her  waist  was,  how  thin  her  arms,  which  used  to  be 
large  and  round :  showed  us  her  ornaments,  new  articles 
for  her  toilette  just  received  from  Paris;  chatting  now 
like  a  moralist  of  her  misfortunes  and  now  like  a  woman 
of  her  beauty  and  ornaments.  Fetes  she  does  not  long 
for:  for  of  fetes  she  has  had  enough  under  the  em 
peror:  and  even  then  two  winters  she  left  Paris  to  live 
at  Nice.  '  Malheur  a  ceux,  qui  ne  trouvent  de  bonheur 
que  dans  les  fetes,'  said  she;  'as  for  me  I  need  repose; 
fai  besoin  de  repos,  fai  besoin  d'amities.'  And  she 
seemed  to  sum  up  her  wishes  in  a  fine  climate,  fine 
scenery,  and  the  sea.  And  all  this  was  said  with  such 
grace  and  sweetness,  that  we  could  not  but  feel  deeply 
for  her.  Though  a  fallen  princess  she  still  preserves 
her  dignity  fully :  she  is  the  centre  of  conversation;  the 
mistress  of  all  present :  she  bids  one  to  remove  the  table, 
another  to  sing,  another  to  dance,  and  every  one  loves 
to  be  first  to  obey  her.  Without  my  requesting  it  she 
called  for  her  tablets  and  wrote  me  a  card  of  entrance 
to  the  pretty  little  villa,  which  she  has  been  building  in 
the  environs  of  Rome,  and  which  is  reckoned  very 
pretty.  The  Princess  receives  from  Prince  Borghese* 
$12,000  per  year,  which  is  I  should  think  hardly  enough 
to  support  her  establishment;  for  her  palace  is  vast;  and 
she  is  unaccustomed  to  economy.  Her  toilette  I  think 
she  said  cost  her  $4,000  per  annum.  Why,  a  mere  gown 


140  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

costs  twenty  dollars,  observed  she;  as  they  entered  a 
little  into  particulars.  The  Princess  seemed  to  think 
it  quite  impossible  for  a  lady  to  dress  for  only  $600  a 
year:  a  hundred  and  twenty  guineas  were  nothing  for 
a  lady's  toilette.  And  so  tonight  I  believe  we  saw  the 
Princess  in  all  forms;  in  all  too  she  seemed  the  most 
graceful,  elegant  and  well  bred  woman  that  I  have  ever 
seen. 

"  We  had  some  delightful  music.  '  Nothing  but  music 
does  me  good/  and  the  Princess  seemed  delighted  as 
a  most  divine  air  was  sung  deliciously.  We  left  the 
palace  a  little  after  ten;  and  were  quite  delighted  with 
our  evening  and  most  particularly  gratified  that  the 
Princess  had  received  us  on  an  evening,  when  there  was 
no  company  with  her.  Her  niece,  a  daughter  of  Louis, 
was  in  the  room;  and  her  eyes  were  of  a  black  glossy 
beauty,  that  might  produce  an  effect  on  young  hearts. 

"I  came  home  and  wrote  as  an  exercise  the  verses,1 
which  were  hardly  worth  copying  into  my  journal. 
Went  to  bed  a  little  after  2  o'clock." 

A  week  later  the  diary  contains  a  sonnet  with  the 
following  comment:  "This  sonnet  is  the  first,  which  I 
ever  ventured  to  undertake;  and  I  write  it  as  it  were 
extempore  merely  for  the  sake  of  familiarising  myself 
with  the  versification  of  sonnets.  Of  the  thousands, 
which  have  been  written,  how  few  are  really  good  for 
anything." 

1  These  verses,  "The  Complaint  of  a  Princess,"  were  subse 
quently  printed  in  Bancroft's  small  volume,  Poems  (Cambridge, 
1823),  to  be  mentioned  in  the  next  chapter. 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  141 

For  many  Roman  experiences  which  cannot  be 
recounted  in  detail,  and  for  their  effect  upon  Bancroft, 
these  portions  of  a  letter  to  Dr.  Kirkland  must  speak: 


To  PKESIDENT  KIRKLAND. 

"ROME,  February  10,  1822. 

"Were  I  to  remain  in  Rome,  till  I  grew  tired  of  the 
place,  or  till  I  had  seen  all  its  wonders,  I  believe  I  never 
should  move  from  it.  But  since  time  passes,  and  Rome 
must  be  left,  I  shall  wait  only  a  few  days,  and  then 
visiting  Naples,  hasten  to  take  leave  of  the  Italian 
climate  and  the  delights  of  the  fine  arts.  I  cannot  ex 
press  to  you,  how  much  happiness  I  have  enjoyed  in  the 
last  four  or  five  months:  and  now  that  there  are  so 
many  things,  in  which  I  have  been  particularly  blessed, 
I  regard  myself  as  most  fortunate  in  having  seen  Italy. 
When  I  began  ascending  the  Alps,  a  most  melancholy 
event1  in  our  family  had  made  me  very  unhappy;  the 
winds  of  the  North  seemed  more  piercing  than  ever; 
the  mountains  were  already  covered  with  snow;  and 
with  mournful  heart  and  blood  thoroughly  chilled  I 
halted  for  a  half  hour  on  the  top  of  the  Simplon.  But 
in  the  afternoon  as  we  rolled  down  the  south  side  of  the 
mountain,  I  began  to  feel  how  reviving  a  Southern  sun 
is;  and  on  gaining  the  plain  and  finding  the  trees  still 
verdant,  the  air  mild  as  in  spring,  and  the  fields  still 
covered  with  flowers,  I  grew  glad  in  spite  of  myself:  a 
generous  warmth  diffused  itself  through  the  system,  and 
the  mind  grew  warm  too:  and  ever  since  then,  from 

1  The  death  of  his  brother  John.     See  pp.  65,  122. 


142  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

the  Borromean  isles  to  St.  Peter's,  from  Venice  to  the 
hills  of  Tusculum  and  Alba,  one  emotion  of  admiration 
and  rapture  has  succeeded  to  another,  as  if  curiosity 
could  never  be  fatigued,  nor  the  means  of  gratifying  it 
exhausted.  Everything  conspires  to  make  a  journey  in 
Italy  the  most  interesting  in  the  world :  the  climate,  the 
sky,  the  scenery,  the  cities  and  the  country,  classical 
recollections,  the  galleries  gathered  from  the  relics  of 
antiquity,  the  elegant  language,  its  enchanting  literature, 
the  productions  of  modern  art  keep  the  eyes  and  the 
mind  constantly  and  deliciously  employed.  Were  there 
nothing  here  but  the  fresco  paintings  of  Raphael,  I 
would  go  round  the  world  thrice  to  see  them.  And  here 
a  short  walk  brings  me  to  them;  and  a  few  minutes  more 
to  the  Apollo,  to  Laocoon,  and  the  whole  gallery  of 
marble  divinities  and  heroes.  .  .  . 

"When  I  think  of  the  time,  when  I  ran  about  Wor 
cester  as  a  boy,  that  knew  nothing  of  Europe  but  what 
little  may  be  learned  from  books,  and  knew  but  as  much 
Latin  and  Greek  as  a  common  schoolboy  in  America, 
and  reflect  on  what  I  may  since  have  enjoyed  or  learned, 
I  cannot  but  wonder  at  my  own  happy  destiny.  Have  I 
indeed  learned  to  feel  that  Homer  and  Sophocles  are 
divine?  Has  ^Eschylus,  has  Dante  a  voice  intelligible 
to  me  ?  Can  I  love  Virgil  and  Tasso  ?  Can  I  admire 
Michel  Angelo  as  I  would  Pindar?  Raphael  as  I  do 
Virgil?  Can  I  be  admitted  to  the  school  of  Plato? 
Have  I  walked  in  the  temples  and  halls  of  Agrippa  and 
Augustus?  Has  life  a  charm  for  me  above  the  enjoy 
ments  of  senses?  And  do  I  live  in  health,  and  feel 
the  influence  of  a  delightful  climate,  and  owe  all  this 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  143 

to  [illegible].  I  remember  always  and  well,  that  I 
do  owe  all  the  delights  of  life,  which  I  most  value, 
to  your  disinterested  regard,  which  deemed  me  not 
unworthy  of  encouragement  and  not  incapable  of  im 
provement.  ..." 

On  February  15th  Bancroft  set  out  for  Naples.  The 
journey  thither  and  the  sights  and  suggestions  of  Naples 
itself  are  graphically  recorded  in  the  diary.  A  letter  of 
special  personal  interest  was  written  at  the  same  time : 

To  ANDREWS  NORTON. 

"NAPLES,  Tuesday,  March  5,  1822. 

"My  very  dear  Sir. — When  a  man  has  a  longing, 
thought  I  as  I  left  the  mole  this  afternoon,  what  must 
he  do  ?  I  remembered  in  answer  the  story  of  the  little 
girl,  who  asked  herself  the  same  question,  and  replied, 
Do!  my  duty!  You  told  me  the  tale  as  a  child's  story: 
it  would  be  well  for  many  a  man  to  think  of  its  moral. 
My  longing  was  an  honest  one;  I  desired  to  write  to 
you  how  delighted  I  have  been  with  Rome;  how 
charmed  I  am  with  Naples.  A  vessel  is  on  the  point 
of  embarking  for  Boston :  I  cannot  let  it  depart  without 
some  testimony  of  my  remembering  you  constantly.  I 
was  actually  hastening  home  to  write  to  you,  when  ac 
cident  brought  me  your  most  affectionate,  most  welcome 
letter  of  the  29  December.  The  negligence  of  the 
Neapolitan  Postmaster  had  nearly  deprived  me  of  it. 
Your  counsels  and  reflections  incline  me  rather  to 
thought  than  to  writing:  but  tomorrow  I  am  going  to 


144  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

\ 

Pestum,  and  only  tonight  remains  for  reminding  you 
of  me.  .  .  . 

"The  poet,  who  has  written  the  message  sent  by  the 
soul  of  Cornelia  to  her  husband  Paulus  ('tis  Propertius 
in  the  last  elegy,  I  believe,  of  his  last  book)  makes  her 
say,  '  I  have  lived  without  a  blemish  from  the  marriage 
to  the  funeral  torches.'  It  has  long  been  my  wish  to  be 
able  to  say,  when  I  see  the  Boston  lighthouse,  from 
which  I  took  my  departure  3J  years  ago, — viximus 
insignes  inter  utramque  facem. 

"  I  came  abroad  so  young  and  have  been  abroad  so 
long,  that  I  return  as  it  were  a  stranger  to  my  own 
country.  There  are  hardly  four  or  five  houses  in  which 
I  feel  sure  of  finding  myself  remembered.  You  will 
remember  me,  and  though  my  face  may  be  changed  you 
will  find  my  heart  unaltered.  If  when  I  come  peeping 
my  head  into  your  parlour  door,  you  smile  and  look 
glad  to  see  me  near  you  again,  I  shall  rather  look  at 
your  face  than  at  the  finest  picture  of  Raphael's.  .  .  . 

"As  for  my  handwriting  I  will  try  to  improve.  I 
hope  this  letter  will  look  a  little  neater  than  my  last, 
though  lines  [letter  torn]  and  even  letters  are  crooked. 
But  you  know  I  write  in  haste:  my  next  must  be  done 
better.  You  speak  of  fame :  the  fame  I  wish  for  is  the 
praise  of  the  virtuous  and  intelligent.  I  had  rather  be 
honourable  and  virtuous  than  be  esteemed  so.  But  I 
remember  what  Glaucus's  papa  told  him.  As  to  man 
ners  I  may  come  home  awkward:  I  may  return  with 
outlandish  habits.  Now  you  give  me  advice:  I  will 
make  a  request.  I  ask  for  your  friendship,  if  you 
find  me  worthy  of  it:  but  you  are  not  to  decide  in  ten 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  145 

minutes :  if  I  have  odd  or  improper  ways  tell  me  of  them 
honestly  and  plainly.  Then  if  I  do  not  reform,  send 
me  to  solitude  and  friendlessness.  I  hope  to  improve 
more  in  the  first  twelve  months  at  home,  than  I  have 
ever  done  in  a  year  in  Europe. 

"Commend  me  to  Mrs.  Norton  as  an  old  friend  of 
yours  or  if  you  will  as  a  new  one  you  are  going  to 
make:  or  as  a  stranger,  who  is  coming  to  Cambridge 
and  to  whom  you  have  some  thoughts  of  being  civil. 
Time  flies.  Good  night,  good  night.  The  midnight 
stars  have  long  since  passed  the  zenith,  and  before 
morning  breaks  I  must  write  two  more  letters.  They 
will  be  short,  I  assure  you.  Commend  me  to  Mr. 
Frisbie.  I  am  heartily  glad,  that  he  still  thinks  of  me, 
and  hope  soon  to  be  inaugurated  as  his  reader  again. 
I  have  read  no  English  books  these  3J  years.  Good 
night.  Ever  yours.  When  you  pray  for  absent  friends, 
I  hope  I  am  included.  I  shall  sail  in  May  if  I  can. 
The  season  and  the  voyage  awaken  in  me  too  melancholy 
recollections.  Valeo.  Cur  a  ut  valeas.  I  am  glad  you 
begin  your  letter  dear  George,  and  am  glad  you  end  it 
so.  Best  of  men,  Cura  ut  me  ames. " 

The  excursion  to  Paestum  was  duly  made  and  points 
of  architectural  and  archaeological  interest  were  noted 
with  care.  On  March  8th,  Bancroft  with  three  com 
panions  set  out  in  a  small  boat  to  see  the  coast  of  the 
gulf  of  Salerno.  Landing  at  Amalfi  they  were  asked 
to  show  their  passports,  which  they  could  not  do.  The 
zealous  local  officials  brought  them  before  a  justice, 
who  in  turn  sent  them  on  to  the  Governor  of  Salerno. 


146  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

It  was  to  him  that  they  owed  two  nights  in  a  dirty 
prison,  "half  devoured  by  evil  insects  and  bugs  of 
darkness."  Such  misfortunes,  set  down  in  the  diary, 
were  relieved  by  the  liberty  accorded  the  prisoners  by 
day.  Bancroft  took  advantage  of  this  freedom  to  see 
and  describe  the  beauties  of  nature  about  him.  He  also 
gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  verses  written  by  the  sea 
shore,  and  bearing  the  title  of  "The  Young  Prisoner's 
Lament."  The  first  four  of  the  thirty-two  lines  are 
typical  of  all: 

How  couldst  thou  leave  thy  native  land, 

Where  waves  the  flag  of  liberty, 
To  fall  within  a  tyrant's  hand, 

And  lose  thy  birthright — to  be  free? 

On  the  third  day  of  this  annoying  experience,  a  messen 
ger  brought  an  order  of  release  from  the  police  at 
Naples,  whither  Bancroft  returned  for  an  unexpected 
fortnight  before  returning  to  Rome. 

From  Rome  Bancroft  soon  set  out  on  the  northward 
journey  which  turned  his  face  definitely  towards  home. 
There  are  records  of  what  he  saw  and  did  in  Florence 
and  other  places.  Of  all  these  pages  the  most  notable 
are  those  which  describe  a  glimpse  of  Byron.  In  a 
letter  to  John  Murray  from  Byron  written  May  26, 
1822,  from  Montenero,  near  Leghorn,  where  the  poet 
was  living  at  the  time  with  the  Countess  Guiccioli,  there 
is  a  reference  to  Bancroft'^  visit,  together  with  an  allu 
sion  to  the  good  opinion  in  which  the  visitor  told  him  his 
works  were  held  by  Goethe  and  the  Germans,  and  an 
account  of  a  visit  to  the  Constitution.  The  first  half 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  147 

of  Byron's  letter  has  to  do  with  the  sending  of  his 
daughter  Allegra'-S  body  to  England  for  burial.  Ban 
croft  himself,  late  in  life,  wrote  for  the  New  York 
Ledger  an  article  on  "A  Day  with  Lord  Byron."1 
A  tangible  reminder  of  the  visit,  a  copy  of  Don  Juan 
given  to  the  visitor  with  the  author's  autograph  on  its 
fly-leaf,  was  one  of  the  treasures  of  Bancroft's  library, 
and  finally  passed  with  all  his  books  to  the  Lenox 
Library  in  New  York.  For  the  substance  of  the 
Ledger  article  Bancroft  evidently  had  recourse  to  the 
following  passages  from  his  journal. 

"LEGHORN,  May  21,  1822. 

"  Joined  Major  Stith  in  a  visit  to  the  Constitution. 
Lord  Byron  came  on  board.  We  were  presented  to  him. 
From  the  Constitution  he  went  to  the  Ontario,  where 
Capt.  Chauncy  received  him  with  most  distinguished 
civility.  A  salute  was  fired,  the  yards  were  manned :  and 
three  cheers  given  in  most  glorious  and  clear  union." 

"May  22.  Rode  to  Monte  Nero  this  morning. 
Wrote  to  Lord  Byron  a  short  note.  'Mr.  Bancroft,  an 
American  citizen,  ventures  to  request  the  honour  of 
waiting  on  Lord  Byron.  Monte  Nero,  Wednesday 
Morning.'  I  sent  this  note  and  received  immediately 
the  following  answer.  'Sir.  I  shall  be  very  happy  in 
your  visit.  Could  you  make  it  convenient  about  an 
hour  hence — for  I  have  been  lazy  to-day  and  am  not 
yet  drest — and  (I  am  ashamed  to  say)  hardly  awake — I 

1  Reprinted  in  the  History  of  the  Battle  of  Lake  Erie,  and 
Miscellaneous  Papers.  By  Hon.  George  Bancroft,  New  York: 
Robert  Bonner's  Sons,  1891. 


148  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

have  the  honour  to  be  yr  obedt  humble  servt  (Signed) 
Noel  Byron.  May  22d,  1822.'  I  amused  myself  with 
plucking  myrtle  and  looking  at  the  sea  during  the  hour. 

"When  I  reached  Lord  Byron's  seat,  I  was  at  once 
shown  into  a  cool  room  and  in  a  moment  his  Lordship 
joined  me,  offering  me  his  hand.  At  first  he  asked  me 
many  questions  about  the  fleet,  about  our  officers,  our 
ships,  and  our  battles.  He  seemed  even  informed  of 
the  duels,  which  had  taken  place  among  them,  knowing 
the  names  of  the  parties  and  the  particulars  of  the  quar 
rels.  We  did  not  talk  very  long  of  these  matters,  but 
came  upon  literature. 

"He  spoke  of  several  countrymen.  Of  Ticknor,  of 
Everett,  of  Coolidge.  He  spoke  particularly  of  W. 
Irving  whose  Knickerbocker  he  seemed  very  fond  of. 
His  style  he  called  '  rather  florid/  but  commended 
highly.  I  expressed  my  delight  on  hearing  praises  of 
my  countrymen;  but  Byron  replied :  His  feelings  as  to 
Irving  were  common  to  all  his  countrymen. 

"We  spoke  of  Germany.  He  asked  if  I  knew 
Goethe.  I  answered  I  did,  and  reported  faithfully 
what  I  had  heard  Goethe  say  of  him.  I  then  told  him 
of  the  translations  which  have  so  often  been  made  of 
his  works,  and  of  the  great  admiration,  which  all 
Germans  had  for  him.  This  B.  said  was  new  to  him, 
and  would  serve  as  some  solace  for  the  abuse  which  he 
was  constantly  receiving  from  home.  He  then  spoke 
of  himself  with  the  greatest  frankness,  of  the  abuse 
lavished  upon  him  on  all  sides  in  England,  of  a  new 
article  Jeffries  was  preparing  for  him,  of  a  letter  ad 
dressed  to  his  publisher:  'not  to  me' — said  he — 'for 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  149 

me  they  deem  incorrigible/  He  spoke  of  the  king  as  of 
one  determined  to  persecute  him.  'I  never  went  to 
court/  said  B.,  'and  one  evening  at  a  ball  was  presented 
to  the  king  at  the  king's  own  request.'  And  yet  the 
king  complains  of  B.'s  having  written  eight  lines  against 
him  after  having  been  treated  so  civilly.  'The  lines/ 
added  B./ were  written  before  I  was  presented  to  him/ 

"I  mentioned  Goethe's  comparison  of  Faust  and 
Manfred:  and  Byron  observed,  evidently  in  earnest, 
that  he  deemed  it  honour  enough  to  have  his  work 
mentioned  with  Faust.  As  to  its  origin,  Lord  B.  said  that 
some  time  before  he  had  conceived  the  idea  of  his  piece, 
Monk  Lewis  had  translated  to  him  some  of  the  scenes 
and  had  given  him  an  idea  of  the  plan  of  the  piece. 

"Speaking  of  the  immorality  of  his  works,  he  said: 
Why  what  are  Fielding  and  Smollett  and  those  authors  ? 
He  seemed  to  think  there  were  worse  things  in  Smollett 
than  in  anything  he  had  ever  written.  What  would 
they  say,  too,  to  the  introduction  to  Goethe's  Faust  f 
Many  of  his  friends,  he  said,  in  Italy  as  well  as  in  Eng 
land,  had  entreated  him  not  to  go  on  with  Don  Juan. 

"He  had  dedicated  one  of  his  late  works  to  Goethe; 
but  for  some  reason  or  other  his  publisher  had  omitted 
to  print  it.1 

1  With  a  letter  from  Italy  to  John  Murray,  October  17,  1820, 
Byron  enclosed  a  paper  headed,  "  For  Marino  Faliero.  Dedica 
tion  to  Baron  Goethe,  etc.,  etc.,  etc."  It  was  a  long  production 
attacking  Wordsworth,  Southey  and  English  poets  in  general. 
Murray  seems  to  have  taken  it  with  insufficient  seriousness,  and 
Goethe  never  saw  it  till  1831,  when  John  Murray,  3rd,  handed  it 
to  him  at  Weimar.  See  Works  of  Lord  Byron.  Poetry,  Vol.  IV. 
Edited  by  Ernest  Hartley  Coleridge.  Footnote,  p.  340. 


150  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

"Shelley  is  translating  Faust:  l Shelley  of  whom 
you  may  have  heard  many  foolish  stories,  of  his  being 
a  man  of  no  principles,  an  atheist  and  all  that:  -but  he 
is  not/ 

"Lord  Byron  related  to  me  the  late  scrape,  into  which 
he  or  his  servant  got  at  Pisa. 

"  He  laughed  at  the  story  Goethe  tells  of  his  murdering 
a  man  at  Florence — hopes  Goethe  may  not  hear  of  this 
affair  of  Pisa,  lest  he  should  make  a  famous  story  out 
of  it. 

"  He  asked  me  if  I  had  come  out  on  foot,  offering  me 
his  carriage  or  his  horse  to  return  with. 

"I  was  taken  into  another  room,  without  knowing 
that  I  was  doing  anything  more  than  going  to  enjoy  new 
views  from  the  pleasant  villa  where  Byron  resides.  I 
was  astonished  to  find  myself  in  the  same  room  with  a 
most  exquisitely  beautiful  lady,  of  apparently  twenty- 
five.  She  was  on  the  sopha.  I  had  the  seat  nearest 
her.  Conversation  was  now  carried  on  in  Italian,  of 
music,  of  the  fine  piano-fortes  made  in  Germany,  of 
Berlin  and  the  love  of  Berlin  ladies  for  Music,  of  Lalla 
Rookh,  of  France  and  Italy,  in  short  of  the  things  which 
are  proper  to  be  discussed  in  the  company  of  a  very 
pretty  woman.  Lord  Byron  speaks  Italian  perfectly, 
the  lady  with  the  sweetest  pronunciation  in  the  world. 
She  is  of  a  delicate  style  of  beauty:  has  a  fine  neck,  a 
lovely  complexion,  on  her  cheeks  the  richest  vefmillion 
colour;  a  fine  white  forehead,  a  sweet  little  mouth,  a 
graceful  nose,  good  teeth;  she  is  tall  and  her  waist 
beautifully  small.  Innocence  and  repose  seem  the  lead 
ing  expression  of  her  countenance.  Her  smile  is 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  151 

heavenly;  her  dark  eyes  have  a  calm  and  gentle  ex 
pression  :  and  though  I  have  seen  more  splendid  beauty, 
I  have  seldom  seen  any,  who  produced  on  me  a  pleas- 
anter  impression. 

"Lord  Byron  says  he  left  Ravenna  because  all  his 
friends  were  exiled.  The  priests  stuck  up  an  affiche 
threatening  him  with  I  know  not  what.  The  young 
men  of  Italy,  Lord  B.  thinks,  are  in  a  good  way;  they 
long  for  liberty.  Let  them  get  that,  and  then  after 
wards  study  politics  and  understand  it. 

"Lord  B.  wishes  to  go  to  America.  He  could  judge 
it  impartially:  till  now  none  had  been  there  but  specta 
tors:  he  would  go  unprejudiced;  at  least  with  no  pre 
possessions  for  his  Mother  country." 

In  a  letter  to  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  May  29, 1822,  Bancroft 
gave  this  further  account  of  the  meeting  with  Byron : 

"My  dearest  friend,  ...  I  have  seen  the  opposite 
part  of  Tuscany  too,  the  Val  d'Arno,  which  is  even  finer 
than  the  fine  descriptions  of  it  can  make  you  expect. 
Pisa  round  which  the  Appenines  rise  in  circles  of  infinite 
grace,  Leghorn  while  an  American  Squadron  lay 
moored  in  the  harbour.  I  must  begin  a  new  period  to 
tell  you  what  else  I've  seen:  what  do  you  think  now: 
I  went  on  board  the  Commodore's  ship,  Sir!  the  Consti 
tution  or  Old  Ironsides  as  she  hath  been  rightly  termed : 
Well!  Is  that  all?  Not  quite.  A  short  time  after  I 
had  been  on  board  a  man,  who  wore  his  hair  very  long, 
with  full  fat  cheeks,  a  healthy  lively  pair  of  dark  eyes,  a 
cheerful  forehead,  a  man  of  gentle  manners  though  of 


152  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

a  misshapen  foot,  a  man  of  rank  and  some  note  in  our 
small  world,  came  on  board.  Whom  do  you  guess  it 
was  ?  Prince  Borghese  ?  No,  the  fat  old  goat  I  do  not 
mean.  The  Tuscan  Duke  ?  No,  he  is  a  good  fellow  to 
be  sure,  quite  a  radical,  an  honest  man,  who  wears  a 
blue  coat  and  a  white  hat,  and  is  drawn  about  by  six 
horses.  'Tis  not  he  I  mean.  Who  was  it  then  ?  Why 
nothing  but  a  poet;  yet  it  was  a  pleasure  to  have  a  poet 
on  board  an  American  Squadron,  and  to  have  been 
presented  to  Lord  Byron  anywhere  else,  would  not  have 
given  me  half  so  much  pleasure  as  it  did  to  meet  him  on 
American  boards  and  beneath  the  American  flag.  I 
was  out  to  see  him  afterward,  and  was  treated  by  him 
with  more  civility  than  I  have  ever  been  by  any  man  in 
Europe.  I  hardly  know  if  I  ever  talked  with  a  man  so 
frankly.  He  is  very  gay  and  fashionable  in  his  way  of 
talking,  will  converse  of  duels  and  horses,  rows  and 
swimming  and  good  principles  of  Liberty,  and  in  short 
is  one  of  the  pleasantest  men  in  the  world.  Of  himself 
he  spoke  with  the  utmost  openness,  of  his  success  and  his 
enemies.  I  was  taken  into  a  room  of  his  villa:  as  I 
believed  to  enjoy  the  prospect  toward  the  West:  when 
my  eyes  were  suddenly  dazzled  by  beauty  almost  more 
.than  human  and  my  ears  soothed  by  the  sweetest  Italian 
accents  from  sweet  Italian  lips.  Who  was  the  lady? 
I  know  not.  It  was  a  beautiful  apparition,  and  why 
attach  harsh  ideas  and  harsher  words  to  one  who  looked 
so  innocent  and  conversed  so  purely?  .  .  ." 

On  June  12th  Bancroft  wrote  again  to  Eliot  from 
Marseilles:     "At  last  the  day  has  arrived,  and  I  hold 


1813-1822]  PREPARATION  153 

myself  every  moment  ready  to  obey  the  summons  from 
the  ship  which  is  to  bear  me  home.  ...  I  embark  on 
board  the  good  ship  Belle.  We  are  bound  for  New 
York,  a  port  which  suits  me  quite  as  well  as  Boston 
would,  since  'tis  but  a  half  day's  journey  more  from 
New  York  than  from  the  city  of  Boston  to  Worcester." 
On  August  8,  1822,  Bancroft  wrote  from  Worcester 
to  President  Kirkland:  "I  owe  you  my  intellectual 
existence,  my  hopes  and  my  happiness.  If  I  can  enter 
with  fine  prospects  the  paths  of  usefulness  and  honour, 
I  am  indebted  for  this  advantage  to  you."  With  the 
final  page  of  the  letter,  the  young  student  may  be  left 
upon  the  threshold  of  his  efficient  years: 

"Five  days  ago  I  reached  New  York,  and  my  own 
home  last  evening.  I  have  stolen  a  few  minutes  from 
my  sisters  to  inform  you  of  my  welfare. 

"As  soon  as  the  first  welcoming  is  over,  I  must  begin 
to  think  seriously  of  my  future  destiny.  Or  rather  I 
must  decide  on  it.  The  days  of  tranquil  uninterrupted 
study  are  past;  it  would  be  foolish  to  sigh  after  them; 
yet  they  were  pleasant  once,  when  the  progress  of  time 
was  marked  only  by  progress  in  letters,  and  the  morning 
opened  on  the  still  and  cheerful  continuance  of  the 
labours  of  the  evening.  Those  days  are  gone  by;  my 
wishes  now  prompt  me — my  situation  forces  me — to 
action.  I  must  resolve  on  my  future  pursuits  and 
course  of  life  immediately :  for  till  I  have  a  fixed  resolu 
tion  I  shall  [word  missing]  and  I  detest  and  dread  an 
undecided  spirit.  Yet  I  could  wish  to  know  your 
opinion  or  desires,  if  you  take  interest  enough  in  me  to 


154  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1813-1822 

make  me  an  object  of  desire  or  thought.  I  hope  to 
be  at  Cambridge  in  a  few  days;  but  as  I  cannot  tear 
myself  at  once  from  the  embraces  of  my  friends  in 
Worcester,  I  could  wish  to  be  favoured  with  a  few  lines 
which  might  guide  me  in  my  decision.  At  any  rate  I 
hope  soon  to  be  near  you,  and  to  profit  by  your  counsels. 
"  Most  gratefully  and  most  sincerely, 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT." 


Ill 

THE  PERIOD  OF  TEACHING 
1822—1831 

THERE  were  some  harsh  changes  in  store  for  Bancroft 
when  his  wanderings  were  done.  Abroad  he  had  en 
joyed  the  distinction  that  belonged  to  a  -young,  ac 
complished  representative  of  a  race  then  seldom  repre 
sented  in  Europe.  There  was  also  the  consciousness  of 
the  high  place  he  had  in  the  regard  of  those  who  had 
sent  him  away  at  eighteen.  On  his  return  he  soon 
found  himself  under  the  scrutiny  of  a  highly  critical 
community,  with  standards  of  its  own  firmly  fixed  and 
little  modified  through  contacts  from  without.  His 
true  friend  Andrews  Norton  must  have  detected  in 
Bancroft's  correspondence  symptoms  of  departure  from 
the  accepted  modes  of  thought  and  expression.  In  a 
long  letter  of  good  advice,  December  29, 1821,  in  answer 
to  which  Bancroft  made  the  plea  for  forbearance  al 
ready  quoted,1  Norton  had  said  to  the  young  traveller: 
"Our  state  of  society  is  such  as  to  require  an  extraordi 
nary  degree  of  attention  to  manners,  in  order  that  one 
may  be  respectable  and  useful.  A  man  of  learning  and 

1  See  p.  144. 

155 


156  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

talents  will  be  judged  of  by  many  who  cannot  judge  of 
him  as  a  man  of  learning  and  talents;  and  his  reputation 
and  influence  will  be  in  no  small  degree  affected  by  their 
feelings  and  impressions.  .  .  .  There  is  no  place,  I 
believe,  where  anything  implying  a  considerable  defect 
in  character,  anything  like  ostentation  or  vanity,  any 
thing  outre  or  bizarre  (if  I  may  use  two  French  words  at 
once)  is  observed  with  a  keener  perception  of  ridicule,  or 
tends  more  to  the  disadvantage  of  him  in  whom  it  is 
^discovered."1  It  was  almost  inevitable  that  symptoms 
detected  in  letters  should  express  themselves  still  more 
strongly  in  personal  intercourse  with  the  returned 
traveller.  Such  expressions  took  place  at  once — and 
first  of  all  in  Bancroft's  relations  with  Andrews 
Norton,  who  is  even  said  to  have  been  subjected 
immediately  to  kisses  on  both  cheeks,  a  form  of 
greeting  certainly  both  outre  and  bizarre  in  the  Cam 
bridge  of  1822. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  go  into  the  details  of  the  breach 
between  the  two  scholars  who,  as  the  reader  will  have 
seen,  had  stood  upon  terms  of  affectionate  intimacy 
tempered  only  by  their  disparity  of  years.  That  any 
estrangement  should  have  arisen  was  the  greater  pity 
because  it  was  so  largely  a  matter  of  externals, 
which  at  that  time  Bancroft  might  have  modified 
enough  to  win  himself  a  surer  approval  in  the  com 
munity  of  which  Andrews  Norton  was  an  influential 
member.  "He  had  brought  from  Europe,"  writes 
one  of  his  warmest  admirers,2  "a  new  manner,  full 

1  From  letter  lent  by  Prof.  C.  E.  Norton. 

2  W.  M.  Sloane  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Vol.  XXVI,  1902. 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  157 

of  the  affectations  of  ardent  youth,  and  this  he 
wore  without  ease  in  a  society  highly  satisfied  with 
itself;  the  young  knight-errant  was  therefore  sub 
jected  to  considerable  ridicule."  And  in  the  face  of 
ridicule  the  good  opinion  of  one's  neighbours  is  hard 
to  hold. 

Bancroft's  lack  of  popularity  with  the  dominant 
Harvard  and  Boston  circle  has  commonly  been  ascribed 
to  his  espousing  the  Democratic  side  in  local  and 
national  politics.  This  came  later,  and  doubtless  played 
its  important  part.  But  it  needs  no  clairvoyance  to  see 
in  the  unpropitious  beginning  of  Bancroft's  resumed 
relation  with  the  Cambridge  community  some  explana 
tion  of  a  condition  that  was  far  from  fortunate.  The 
sensitive  man  who  places  himself  early  in  a  trying 
light  is  not  the  best  person,  as  time  goes  on,  to  get  him 
self  out  of  it  and  to  stand  just  where  his  best  qualities 
will  always  be  the  most  conspicuous.  It  is  much  easier 
for  the  spectator,  removed  by  four  score  of  years,  to 
suggest  what  might  have  been  brought  about,  than  for 
the  actor,  young  and  with  many  valid  grounds  for  self- 
confidence,  to  take  the  wisest  step  at  every  turn.  One 
immediate  course  was  comparatively  clear,  and  at 
least  incidentally  it  permitted  Bancroft  to  make  some 
requital  to  Harvard  College  for  his  immeasurable  debt 
to  her  authorities.  A  tutorship  in  Greek  at  once 
presented  itself,  and  for  the  college  year  of  1822-1823 
Bancroft  filled  the  post.  A  letter  to  his  friend  Eliot 
shows  him  established  in  his  new  work,  yet  looking 
forward  to  the  ministerial  labours  for  which  also  he  had 
been  fitting  himself. 


458  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

To  S.  A.  ELIOT. 

"  CAMBRIDGE,  September  24,  1822. 

"  My  dear  friend  Eliot. — That  I  have  safely  returned 
to  my  own  country,  that  I  have  found  all  my  nearer 
kindred  in  good  condition,  prospering  and  happy,  and 
that  employment  has  already  been  found  for  me  are 
certainly  reasons  for  gratitude  to  the  very  good  Being, 
who  has  drawn  the  lines  of  my  life  so  pleasantly.  You 
will  rejoice  with  me  in  the  midst  of  these  happy  things; 
and  now  in  writing  I  feel  them  the  more  deeply  for  the 
belief,  which  I  have,  that  you  will  take  an  interest  in  them, 
and  feel  a  moment's  satisfaction  at  hearing  of  my  welfare. 

"Now  that  I  am  at  home  my  first  labour  must  be  to 
make  myself  acquainted  with  the  state  of  feeling  about 
me.  I  have  grown  quite  estranged  from  my  own 
country  and  countrymen:  it  has  been  my  lot  to  spend 
four  years  in  the  land  of  strangers;  my  ways  of  thinking 
are  I  firmly  trust  worthy  of  New  England;  but  my 
manner  of  expressing  them  may  have  a  foreign  char 
acter;  and  it  is  an  affair  of  no  small  importance  to  be 
able  to  speak  our  opinions  in  an  impressive  and  ac 
ceptable  manner.  Having  heard  for  so  long  a  time  the 
accents  of  foreign  tongues,  I  forget  in  some  measure, 
that  Chatham's  language  is  mine  too;  and  many  an 
unfortunate  French  or  German  phrase  or  sweet  Italian 
is  interceding  for  utterance,  when  I  should  in  decency 
talk  nothing  but  plain  English.  These  little  difficulties 
will  pass  soon,  and  before  winter,  I  expect  to  find  all  the 
superfluous  excitability,  which  I  gathered  in  Southern 
countries,  chilled  to  a  calmness  fitfor  our  colder  latitudes. 

"  It  is  now  a  little  more  than  a  month  since  I  landed 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  159 

at  New  York.  The  first  sensations  which  are  felt  on 
seeing  one's  own  country  again  after  a  long  absence,  are 
more  pleasant,  more  exquisite  and  more  intense,  than 
I  could  have  believed.  In  entering  the  bay  of  New 
York  I  could  do  nothing  but  admire;  I  thought  I  had 
never  seen  such  deep  and  beautiful  green  as  I  then  saw 
all  along  the  Jersey  shore;  it  seemed  to  me,  that  no 
country  has  such  neat  and  pretty  villages,  such  cheerful 
townships,  such  a  transparent  atmosphere  and  glowing 
sky  as  our  own.  I  was  inclined  to  find  everything 
agreeable  and  beautiful.  Yet  on  travelling  from  New 
York  to  Worcester  I  could  not  but  feel  that,  pleasant 
as  the  general  surface  of  our  country  may  be,  it  is  not 
formed  after  the  higher  laws  of  beauty.  I  look  in  vain 
for  the  land  of  romance,  for  the  bold  scenery  or  the 
luxuriant  landscapes,  which  charmed  me  in  other 
countries;  I  find  it  necessary  to  check  those  feelings, 
which  find  their  gratification  in  contemplating  exultingly 
the  richness  and  daring  contrasts  of  natural  scenery. 
I  remember,  that  our  country  is  the  land  of  our  hearts 
for  different  and  more  serious  reasons :  I  think  of  it  as 
the  place  of  refuge  for  pure  religion,  for  civil  liberties, 
for  domestic  happiness,  and  for  all  the  kindly  affections 
of  social  life;  and  while  I  am  still  dwelling  on  these 
reflections  and  the  calm  promise  of  comfort  and  pure 
enjoyment,  which  they  inspire,  I  find  myself  at  my 
Father's  door,  and  the  embrace  of  a  mother  and  sisters 
tells  me,  that  my  hopes  are  not  false  ones.  I  love  my 
country;  I  love  it  deeply;  all  my  fair  promise  of  useful 
ness  and  good  name  are  connected  with  it:  my  chance 
of  being  remembered  rests  upon  my  attachment  to  it; 


160  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1822-1831 

I  would  not  desert  it  for  all  the  high  enjoyment  of  the 
fine  arts,  or  all  the  luxuries  of  life,  which  are  so  common 
in  Italy.  I  like  its  pure  soil,  and  its  calm,  sober,  manly 
inhabitants ;  I  like  most  of  all  their  uncorrupted  hearts, 
the  general  purity  of  their  devotions,  the  earnestness  and 
sincerity  of  their  affections. 

"After  spending  about  ten  days  with  my  friends  and 
kin  in  the  country,  I  came  to  Cambridge,  where  I  was 
indebted  to  your  sister  for  a  very  happy  week,  which 
I  passed  in  her  hospitable  house.  We  cannot  but  be 
happy,  when  we  are  always  in  the  presence  of  the  virtu 
ous  and  contented.  While  at  Mrs.  Norton's,  I  felt 
more  forcibly  than  ever  the  truth  of  what  you  loved  to 
inculcate;  that  America  is  the  country,  where  domestic 
happiness  is  best  known  and  most  duly  prized;  that 
stability  of  character,  resulting  from  a  proper  union  of 
mind,  good  principles  and  intelligence,  gives  the  promise 
of  respectability  and  happiness;  and  that  of  all  bless 
ings,  which  ever  fall  to  the  lot  of  man,  a  virtuous  and 
affectionate  wife  is  the  one  most  highly  to  be  valued. 
After  spending  the  Commencement  season  very  de 
lightfully  at  or  near  Cambridge,  I  went  with  Dr.  Kirk- 
land  to  Providence,  where  we  were  much  entertained 
by  various  amusing  customs  of  the  place,  and  were  also 
amused  and  gratified  by  the  civilities  of  the  good  people 
of  Providence  and  the  performances  of  the  young  men, 
who  took  their  degrees  this  year.  On  returning  from 
this  Rhode  Island  Commencement  I  went  again  into  the 
country;  my  first  business  there  was,  to  write  a  couple 
of  sermons;  and  ten  days  ago  I  began  preaching  in  my 
Father's  pulpit.  Last  Sunday  I  was  sent  to  Bolton  to 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  161 

officiate  in  the  absence  of  the  clergyman,  who  on  that 
day  preached  for  my  Father;  so  I  now  consider  myself 
as  engaged  in  the  good  work,  and  mean  soon  to  declare 
myself  a  candidate.  In  preaching  I  shall  endeavour 
to  be  earnest  and  impressive  rather  than  oratorical,  and 
hope  to  write  serious  evangelical  sermons,  rather  than 
fashionable  ones.  To  speak  from  the  pulpit  is  a  very 
solemn  thing;  and  as  the  sacredness  of  the  place  guaran 
tees  the  speaker  from  interruption,,  it  should  also  serve 
to  warn  him  against  attempts  at  vain  display,  or  useless 
exhibition  of  talents  or  learning.  .  .  . 

"The  place  of  younger  Greek  tutor  became  vacant  at 
Commencement:  The  corporation  have  done  me  the 
honour  to  appoint  me  to  it.  I  feel  obliged  to  them  for 
this  early  testimony  of  their  confidence.  I  have  ac 
cepted  it  but  only  for  a  year,  and  in  the  mean  time  can 
at  my  leisure  consider  the  state  of  society  at  home,  and 
decide  on  the  course  of  life,  which  may  seem  most 
eligible  to  me.  I  shall  probably  preach  in  the  mean 
time,  and  the  result  of  my  deliberations  will  very  likely 
be  that  I  shall  be  settled  as  a  clergyman.  .  .  ." 

Within  a  few  months  he  was  writing  to  Eliot  again, 
telling  of  the  difficulties  he  had  overcome  in  reorganising 
the  methods  of  teaching  Greek  at  Cambridge,  and  con 
fiding  to  his  friend  a  plan  which  was  to  have  an  im 
portant  bearing  upon  his  immediate  future. 

To  S.  A.  ELIOT. 

"CAMBRIDGE,  December  3,  1822. 
"...  Shall  I  tell  you  a  plan  of  mine?     It  is  still  a 
great  secret:  nobody  knows  aught  of  it  at  home  except 


162  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

\ 

Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  Ticknor,  and  Dr.  Kirkland,  who  may 
have  told  it  to  Mr.  Lowell,  who  may  have  told  it  to 
dozens.  I  have  considered  the  nature  of  high  schools, 
grammar-schools,  Gymnasia,  Classical  schools  and  the 
like:  I  have  consulted  the  books,  which  treat  of  edu 
cation  :  I  have  reflected  on  the  means  and  end  of  educa 
tion.  Now  I  am  going  to  turn  schoolmaster.  I  long 
to  become  an  independent  man,  namely  a  man,  who 
lives  by  his  own  labours.  Mr.  Cogswell  has  seen  so 
much  of  the  world,  that  he  knows  it  and  its  folly:  he 
will  join  me  in  my  scheme:  we  will  together  establish 
a  school,  the  end  of  which  is  to  be  the  moral  and  intel 
lectual  maturity  of  the  mind  of  each  boy  we  take  charge 
of;  and  the  means  are  to  be  first  and  foremost  instruc 
tion  in  the  classics.  We  intend  going  into  the  country, 
and  we  shall  choose  a  pleasant  site,  where  nature  in  her 
loveliness  may  breathe  calmness  and  inspire  purity. 
We  will  live  retired  from  the  clamours  of  scandal  and  the 
disputes  of  the  irresolute.  We  will  delight  ourselves 
with  letters,  and  instead  of  warring  against  the  corpora 
tion  and  contending  with  scandalous  reports,  we  will 
train  up  a  few  minds  to  virtue  and  honour,  and  hope 
that  when  we  die  there  will  be  some  hands  to  throw 
flowers  over  our  tombs.  Our  school  is  to  be  set  on  foot 
directly  after  the  next  Commencement.  I  am  engaged 
for  a  year  at  Cambridge,  and  Mr.  Cogswell  must  finish 
his  library.  Then  we  hope  to  enter  on  a  pleasanter 
kind  of  duty;  we  will  plant  gardens,  lay  out  walks, 
beautify  nature,  and  propagate  good  knowledge.  We 
call  our  establishment  a  school,  and  we  mean  to  con 
sider  ourselves  as  schoolmasters.  We  might  indeed 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  163 

assume  a  pompous  name,  speak  of  instituting  a  Gym 
nasium  :  but  let  the  name  be  modest.  I  like  the  sound 
of  the  word  schoolmaster.  A  rose  does  indeed  by  any 
name  smell  as  sweet;  and  I  hope  nobody  will  like  me 
the  less  for  assuming  the  character  of  a  pedagogue. " 

As  the  year  at  Cambridge  wore  on,  Bancroft  found 
himself  less  and  less  satisfied  with  his  surroundings: 
"For  myself,"  he  wrote  to  Eliot,  May  10,  1823,  "I  have 
found  College  a  sickening  and  wearisome  place.  Not 
one  spring  of  comfort  have  I  had  to-  draw  from.  My 
state  has  been  nothing  but  trouble,  trouble,  trouble,  and 
I  am  heartily  glad  that  the  end  of  the  year  is  coming  so 
soon."  In  the  same  letter  he  said:  "I  have  been 
preaching,  might  perhaps  if  I  would, .be  advantageously 
settled.  But  I  think  it  better  to  wage  the  warfare  of 
learning  than  of  faith,  for  the  plain  reason  that  I  hold 
myself  better  fitted  for  the  first,  than  for  the  last.  Our 
country  needs  good  instructors  more  than  good  preach 
ers,  and  so  I  shall  stick  to  the  first  business,  spite  of  the 
temptation  of  leading  the  easier  life  of  a  parochial 
clergyman." 

Among  the  Bancroft  papers  I  find  a  package  of 
eleven  sermons  in  manuscript.  Upon  most  of  them  the 
dates  and  places  of  their  delivery  are  endorsed.  The 
dates  sange  from  September  of  1822  to  July  of  1823. 
Some  of  the  sermons  were  thought  worthy  of  repeti 
tion,  one  of  them  bearing  the  record  of  seven  deliver 
ances.  During  the  eleven  months  covered  by  these 
endorsements,  thirty-six  preachings  are  recorded. 
With  a  small  allowance  for  omissions  of  the  record,  it 


164  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

appears  that  Bancroft  preached  practically  four  times 
in  each  month  of  this  period.  The  leading  clergymen 
of  Boston  and  its  neighbourhood  gave  him  the  freedom  of 
their  pulpits.  Of  the  sermons  themselves  it  must  be 
said  that  they  seem  to  need  all  the  aid  which  their 
writer's  personality  could  have  brought  to  them.  They 
are  marked  less  by  a  distinctively  religious  sentiment — 
though  that  is  by  no  means  always  lacking — than  by  a 
strong  ethical  and  philosophical  bent.  The  unobscure 
truths  which  the  preacher  set  forth  in  somewhat  labor 
iously  rounded  periods  smacked  rather  of  the  academic 
essay  than  of  a  message  burning  to  be  delivered.  It  may 
be  that  other  sermons  of  the  period,  by  novitiates  who 
persevered  and  attained  distinction,  would  make  a 
similar  impression  upon  a  reader  to-day.  Nevertheless 
one  cannot  but  sympathise  with  Bancroft  in  deciding 
so  soon  that  preaching  was  not  his  vocation.1 

At  about  the  same  time  Bancroft  published  his  first 
book,  and  with  it  brought  to  an  end  his  poetic,  as  he 
was  already  concluding  his  collegiate  and  ministerial, 
career.  His  European  diaries  and  letters  have  already 
shown  him  busily  engaged  in  metrical  composition. 
The  volume  of  Poems,  a  slender  book  of  seventy-seven 

1  It  does  not  appear  that  his  hearers,  at  least  in  his  father's 
parish,  were  any  better  satisfied.  "The  tradition  in  Worcester 
is  that  his  manner  was  regarded  as  somewhat  artificial  and  as  so 
different  from  that  which  was  usual  at  the  time  in  the  pulpit  as 
to  prevent  religious  services  as  conducted  by  him  from  being 
wholly  acceptable  either  to  his  father  or  his  father's  congrega 
tion."  Samuel  Swett  Green,  in  Proceedings  of  American  Anti 
quarian  Society,  April,  1891. 

Emerson,  on  the  other  hand,  thought  favourably  of  the  young 
preacher.  On  January  3,  1823,  when  he  was  twenty  years  old, 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  165 

pages,  bears  on  its  title-page  the  date  of  1823,  with 
Cambridge  as  the  place  of  publication.  The  dedication 
to  President  Kirkland  is  dated  Northampton,  Septem 
ber,  1823,  and  its  most  considerable  poem,  "Pictures 
of  Rome,"  is  dated  Worcester,  July,  1823.  All  the 
other  poems  appear  to  have  been  written  while  he  was 
abroad.  Indeed,  most  of  them  are  to  be  found,  lacking 
their  final  polish,  in  his  journals.  The  influence  of 
Byron  is  so  apparent  in  them  that  one  can  hardly  help 
asking  whether  the  young  traveller,  in  his  more  com 
placent  moments,  may  not  have  aspired  to  become  an 
American  Childe  Harold.  Subjective  visions  of  nature 
and  art  are  the  prevailing  themes.  The  naivete  of 
youth  makes  itself  frequently  felt.  Of  poetic  spon 
taneity  there  is  little,  though,  especially  in  the  lament 
for  his  unreturning  sailor-brother  which  fills  a  page  of 
the  "Piccures  of  Rome,"  there  are  genuine  expressions 
of  deep  feeling.  Yet  the  book  leaves  an  impression 
kindred  to  that  of  the  manuscript  sermons — that  poetry 
also  was  a  pursuit  to  which  Bancroft's  years  of  devotion 
were  wisely  limited.  Very  soon  after  the  publication  of 
the  book,  Bancroft,  in  writing  to  President  Kirkland 
(November  4, 1823),  seems  to  feel  that  it  "has  not  been 

he  wrote  to  a  friend:  "I  am  happy  to  contradict  the  rumors 
about  Bancroft.  I  heard  him  preach  at  New  South  a  few 
Sabbaths  since,  and  was  much  delighted  with  his  eloquence.  So 
were  all.  He  needs  a  great  deal  of  cutting  and  pruning,  but  we 
think  him  an  infant  Hercules.  All  who  know  him  agree  in  this, 
that  he  has  improved  his  time  thoroughly  in  Gottingen.  He 
has  become  a  perfect  Greek  scholar,  and  knows  well  all  that  he 
pretends  to  know;  as  to  divinity,  he  has  never  studied,  but  was 
approbated  abroad."  See  Cabot's  Memoir  of  Ralph  Waldo 
Emerson,  I,  pp.  93-94. 


16Q  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

much  cared  for,"  and  goes  on  to  say,  "I  have  rather 
the  patience  of  mind,  required  for  the  pursuits  of 
learning  and  efforts  in  prose  than  the  bold  inven 
tion,  which  gives  life  to  original  [word  missing].  But 
such  as  our  powers  are,  we  must  be  content  with 
[word  missing]  only  endeavoring  to  make  the  most 
of  them."  It  is  the  tradition,  perhaps  with  fact  for  a 
basis,  that  in  later  life  Bancroft  took  every  means  to 
collect  and  destroy  all  obtainable  copies  of  his  Poems, 
as  unworthy  to  stand  beside  his  "efforts  in  prose." 

The  preaching  and  the  poetical  venture  both  belonged 
to  Bancroft's  year  at  Harvard,  though  the  Poems  were 
made  public  after  its  completion.  It  has  been  seen  that 
Bancroft's  next  step — the  establishment  of  a  school  for 
boys — was  definitely  planned  before  he  had  spent  many 
months  in  the  Harvard  tutorship.  As  early  as  1819, 
Everett  had  written  to  Bancroft  in  Germany:  " Could 
you  have  a  liberal  and  proper  support,  I  know  no  better 
place  for  you  than  a  learned  School,  and  the  College 
would  be  indebted  to  you,  for  the  most  important  aid 
in  carrying  into  execution  the  projected  reforms  in 
education.  We  can  do  nothing  at  Cambridge  till  we 
contrive  the  means  of  having  the  boys  sent  to  us  far 
better  fitted  than  they  are  now."  Bancroft's  own  early 
interest  in  the  project  has  been  recorded  among  his 
European  experiences.1  The  care  of  young  Frederic 
Henry  Hedge  in  Germany,  where  Bancroft  placed  and 
visited  him  in  important  schools,  had  thrown  much 
light  upon  educational  problems  and  methods:2  in 

1  See  pp.  54,  65,  91,  128. 
8  See  p.  97. 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  167 

Berlin,  as  we  have  seen,1  he  had  paid  special  heed  to 
Schleiermacher's  lectures  on  education.  Besides  all 
this,  his  love  of  sound  learning  and  his  hard-earned 
experience  of  its  acquisition  were  important  qualifica 
tions  for  his  new  task  in  many  of  its  aspects. 

His  associate  in  the  undertaking,  Joseph  Green  Cogs 
well,  subsequently  librarian  of  the  Astor  Library  in  New 
York,  had  been  more  closely  identified  with  Bancroft's 
European  experiences  than  it  was  necessary  for  the 
preceding  chapter  to  indicate.  Many  letters  passed 
between  the  two  Americans  in  Europe,  and  in  Bancroft's 
letters  to  friends  at  home,  there  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
frequent  admiring  allusions  to  Cogswell.  When  they 
found  themselves  together  at  Cambridge — Bancroft  as 
tutor  in  Greek,  Cogswell  as  college  librarian  and  pro 
fessor  of  mineralogy  and  geology — there  were  naturally 
many  sympathies  to  bind  them  each  to  each.  Their  com 
mon  dissatisfaction  with  their  surroundings  only  served 
to  make  the  bond  more  close.  George  Ticknor,  writ 
ing  to  his  brother-in-law  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  February  1, 
1823,  said  of  the  plan  which  Bancroft  and  Cogswell  had 
formed:  "This  purpose  arises  mainly  from  their  discon 
tent  at  their  situation  in  Cambridge."2  He  lamented 
their  leaving  the  college,  and  felt  that  time  and  patience 
would  have  removed  the  causes  of  their  discontent. 
Col.  T.  W.  Higginson  has  printed  a  letter  which  his 
father,  treasurer  of  the  college,  wrote  in  1833:  "Cogs 
well,"  he  said,  "could  not  manage  things  under  control 

lSee  p.  90. 

2  Life  of  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  as  Sketched  in  His  Letters, 
p.  135. 


168  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

of  others  and  so  left  college."  The  judgment  of  Bancroft 
was  even  more  severe:  "His  manners,  style  of  writing, 
Theology,  etc.,  bad,  and  as  a  Tutor  only  the  laughing 
butt  of  all  the  College.  Such  an  one  was  easily  marked 
as  unfit  for  a  School."1  This  prescience  was  doubtless 
more  easy  in  1833  than  it  would  have  been  ten  years 
earlier,  yet  it  helps  one  to  appreciate  Bancroft's  com 
plaint  of  "trouble,  trouble,  trouble"  as  his  "state"  in 
Cambridge. 

Cogswell's  qualifications  for  the  new  enterprise  were 
very  like  those  of  Bancroft.  His  correspondence  in 
Europe  shows  him — for  a  single  example  of  parallel 
tastes — keenly  interested  in  the  school  of  Fellenberg  at 
Berne,2  where  agriculture  was  combined  with  book- 
learning.  His  scholarship,  like  Bancroft's,  was  con 
sidered  sound  and  enlightened.  In  the  point  of  age  he 
had  the  advantage  of  fourteen  years  for  learning  what 
he  wished  and  was  best  fitted  to  do.  Indeed,  it  must  have 
appeared  that  Bancroft  at  twenty-three  could  hardly 
have  had  a  better  associate  than  Cogswell  at  thirty-seven. 

To  all  the  qualifications  and  motives  must  be  added 
their  genuine  impulse  to  advance  the  cause  of  education 
in  their  native  land.  This  they  felt  they  could  do  best 
by  making  an  entirely  fresh  experiment — for  such  was 
the  Round  Hill  School  at  Northampton,  Massachusetts, 
which  they  established  in  the  autumn  of  1823.  In 
certain  of  its  characteristics,  it  was  a  sporadic  growth, 
not  perpetuated  in  type;  in  certain  essentials — es 
pecially  that  of  the  social  character  of  its  support — it 

1  See  Harvard  Graduates  Magazine,  September,  1897. 

2  See  Life  of  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  pp.  80,  87. 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  169 

was  the  prototype  of  two  or  three  of  the  most  prosperous 
boys'  schools  of  this  later  day.  The  very  names  of  its 
pupils  might  be  mistaken  for  those  of  the  boys  now  at 
one  of  the  existing  schools  drawing  chiefly  upon  Boston 
and  New  York.1  The  aims  and  achievements  of  the 
enterprise  are  worth  regarding  somewhat  closely,  not 
only  for  their  bearing  upon  the  life  of  Bancroft,  but  also 
for  their  significance  in  the  progress  of  American 
education. 

On  June  9,  1823,  Cogswell  wrote  to  his  sister:  "On 
looking  around  Worcester,  for  a  place  to  fix  our  pro 
jected  school,  Mr.  Bancroft  and  myself  did  not  find  one 
exactly  to  our  minds,  and  concluded  to  go  as  far  as 
Northampton,  and  examine  the  neighborhood  there. 
Our  views  were  much  better  answered  here.  About 
half  a  mile  from  the  village  of  Northampton,  on  the 
brow  of  a  beautiful  hill,  overlooking  the  Connecticut, 
and  the  rich  plain  through  which  it  flows,  and  the  pictur 
esque  hills  which  form  its  banks,  we  found  two  houses 
to  be  let  for  a  very  small  rent,  and  as  all  the  circumstan 
ces  connected  with  the  situation  were  exactly  to  our 
minds,  we  concluded  at  once  to  begin  our  experiment 
there.  Accordingly  we  have  engaged  the  houses  from 
September,  and  expect  to  enter  upon  our  new  duties  the 

1  In  the  list  of  Massachusetts  boys,  for  example,  appear  three 
Amorys,  two  Appletons,  two  Blakes,  besides  Francis  Boott, 
John  Murray  Forbes  and  John  Lothrop  Motley;  in  the  New  York 
list  there  are  three  Livingstons,  two  Brevoorts,  Samuel  G.  Ward 
and  Le  Grand  Cannon;  from  the  South  came  Carters,  Middletons, 
Habershams  and  many  others.  It  is  the  exceptional  name,  from 
North  or  South,  which  does  not  call  up  some  association  with  a 
well-known  family. 


170  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

\ 

first  of  October."1  On  the  evening  of  the  opening  day 
Bancroft  wrote  to  President  Kirkland  in  fervid  language 
about  the  beauties  of  nature  surrounding  him,  and  the 
influences  he  expected  them  to  impart.  "  Were  I  always 
to  have  a  meadow  like  this  of  Northampton  before  me, 
and  such  peaceful  mountains,"  he  said,  "I  should  forget 
that  ^Etna  has  its  volcanoes  and  Syria  its  sands .  We 
have  been  in  full  employment  for  some  days,  Mr. 
Cogswell  is  in  fine  spirits,  and  matters  work  together 
prodigiously  well  for  our  good.  We  have  passed  the 
day  in  receiving  our  pupils  and  in  conversing  with  their 
parents,  and  'locating1  the  little  fellowSo"  A  month 
later,  November  5,  1823,  Bancroft  wrote  in  a  letter  to 
Edward  Everett:  "We  are  going  on  very  smoothly  and 
very  happily.  It  is  enough  to  be  free  from  the  perpetual 
interference  and  unsolicited  judgments  of  others.  At 
Northampton  we  are  left  entirely  to  ourselves;  and  there 
is  some  comfort  in  shaping  one's  conduct  by  one's  own 
inclinations  and  views,  without  being  obliged  to  bend  to 
the  ignorance  of  others,  who  undertake  to  controul, 
when  they  do  not  understand.  Our  little  family  is 
fast  forming  habits  of  obedience  and  order;  and  as 
confinement  and  retirement  are  no  evils  to  a  scholar, 
there  is  nothing  which  is  unpleasant  in  our  situation." 
What,  then,  were  the  special  characteristics  of  this 
Round  Hill  School  to  which  Bancroft  was  giving  him- 

1  See  Life  of  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  pp.  135-136. — The  houses 
were  first  rented,  then  bought  for  $12,000;  subsequently  (1829) 
the  "Round  Hill  Institution"  was  chartered,  stock  was  issued, 
and  the  directors  rented  the  property  from  the  stockholders. 
Cogswell,  pp.  152,  163. 


1822-1831]     PERIOD  OF  TEACHING  171 

self  with  so  much  of  enthusiasm?  The  teachers,  the 
taught  and  the  lookers-on  have  all  left  their  definitions 
of  its  aims  and  achievements.  From  these  joint 
sources  may  be  drawn  enough  to  reconstruct  the  enter 
prise  even  more  fully  than  the  present  occasion  de 
mands. 

In  a  Prospectus  which  Cogswell  and  Bancroft  issued 
in  1823,  and  in  a  pamphlet,  "Some  Account  of  the 
School  for  the  Liberal  Education  of  Boys  established 
on  Round  Hill,  Northampton,  Massachusetts,  by 
Joseph  G.  Cogswell  and  George  Bancroft,"  which  they 
issued  three  years  later,  their  purposes  find  full  ex 
pression.  The  advantages  of  beautiful  surroundings  in 
nature  are  set  forth.  A  boy  of  nine  is  old  enough  to 
commence  his  regular  studies;  a  boy  of  more  than 
twelve  is  too  old  and,  except  in  unusual  circumstances, 
will  not  be  received.  It  is  with  boys  rather  than  young 
men  that  the  school  proposes  to  deal.  The  discipline 
is  to  be  precautionary  rather  than  punitive.  English, 
mathematics  and  the  modern  languages  are  to  be 
taught  for  all  their  indirect  no  less  than  their  direct  ad 
vantages.  The  uses  of  a  good  library,  for  both  pupils 
and  instructors,  are  insisted  upon.  "Wherever  good 
books  are  brought  together,  they  will  find  readers." 
All  pupils  must  learn  Latin,  as  "essential  to  a  practical 
education."  Greek  is  left  to  the  decision  of  the  par 
ents,  though  the  Prospectus  makes  it  evident  that  a 
decision  in  its  favour  is  warmly  desired.  In  "Some 
Account,  etc.,"  there  is  a  passage  touching  the  value  of 
the  classics  in  general,  so  characteristic  in  substance  and 
form  as  to  stand  as  a  fair  specimen  of  the  Round  Hill 


172  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

declarations:  " Acquaintance  with  a  particular  science 
may  prepare  for  a  particular  station ;  but  the  principles 
of  virtue  and  prudence  are  of  universal  value,  and,  in 
connection  with  habits  of  intellectual  action  and  a  taste 
for  intellectual  pleasures,  form  the  characteristics  of 
liberal  education.  These  principles  are  universally  the 
same  in  whatever  age  they  may  have  been  uttered,  in 
whatever  language  they  may  have  been  expressed. 
Here  is  the  reason,  why  the  ancient  orators,  poets,  and 
philosophers  are  still  to  be  read.  Moral  truths  are 
eternal  ones.  The  aspect  of  every  science  is  changing 
as  fast  as  new  discoveries  are  made ;  and  new  investiga 
tions  render  ancient  treatises  obsolete.  Both  [But?] 
Homer  and  Herodotus  cannot  become  antiquated,  until 
simplicity  and  moral  feeling  change  their  nature,  nor 
the  works  of  men  like  Sophocles  and  Demosthenes  lose 
their  dignity,  till  the  laws  of  finished  beauty  and 
eloquence,  till  reason  and  sentiment  become  differently 
modified.  Nor  will  these  and  some  few  other  ancient 
writers  cease  to  be  of  practical  value,  till  the  number  of 
powerful  writers  shall  have  grown  so  large  as  to  hide 
them  in  the  crowd,  or  the  light  of  genius  have  shed 
abroad  its  bright  beams  so  abundantly  as  to  outshine 
their  lustre." 

The  "practical  value"  of  the  classics  has  been  a  fruit 
ful  theme  of  discussion  since  the  days  of  Round  Hill. 
So  too  has  the  question  of  physical  exercise  in  schools. 
The  pamphlet  from  which  a  passage  has  just  been 
quoted  deals  with  this  matter  at  length:  "Games  and 
healthful  sports,  promoting  hilarity  and  securing  a  just 
degree  of  exercise,  are  to  be  encouraged.  We  are  deeply 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  173 

impressed  with  the  necessity  of  uniting  physical  with 
moral  education;  and  are  particularly  favoured  in 
exercising  our  plans  of  connecting  them  by  the  assistance 
of  a  pupil  and  friend  of  Jahn,  the  greatest  modern 
advocate  of  gymnastics.  We  have  proceeded  slowly 
in  our  attempts,  for  the  undertaking  was  a  new  one; 
but  now  we  see  ourselves  near  the  accomplishment  of 
our  views.  The  whole  subject  of  the  union  of  moral 
and  physical  education  is  a  great  deal  simpler,  than  it 
may  first  appear.  And  here,  too,  we  may  say,  that  we 
were  the  first  in  the  new  continent  to  connect  gymnastics 
with  a  purely  literary  establishment." 

Parents  are  enjoined  against  providing  their  boys  with 
pocket-money.  "Religion,  as  a  principle,  must  be 
quickened  and  exercised  during  the  period  of  educa 
tion" — but  without  estranging  the  pupil  from  the 
religious  usages  of  his  parents.  "Dress  is  to  be  regu 
lated  with  reference  to  neatness,  economy,  and  cleanli 
ness."  Let  the  masters  themselves  describe  its  regula 
tion,  and  incidentally  help  the  readers  to  visualise  the 
school-boy  of  eighty  years  ago:  "The  dress  which  is 
adopted  among  us  is  as  follows:  Coat  or  roundabout 
and  trowsers  of  blue  grey  broadcloth  with  bright  but 
tons,  waistcoat  of  light  blue  kersey-mere,  for  winter. 
Blue  broadcloth  is  allowed  instead  of  blue  grey.  Blue 
nankin  or  cotton  suit  complete,  for  summer;  and  for 
holidays,  blue  silk  or  bombazine  coat  or  roundabout, 
white  jacket  and  trowsers,  drill  or  marseilles.  Our 
object  is,  to  establish  a  general  uniformity.  A  plain 
blue  cloth  cap  in  winter,  or  a  straw  hat  in  summer,  is 
allowed,  instead  of  a  hat." 


174  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

For  a  glimpse  of  the  daily  life  under  the  conditions 
set  forth  so  earnestly  by  the  masters,  we  may  turn  to 
The  United  States  Literary  Gazette  for  February  15, 
1825.  An  article  on  "The  School  at  Northampton" 
describes  in  glowing  terms  the  ideals  and  qualifications 
of  Cogswell,  Bancroft  and  their  assistants.  A  para 
graph  near  the  end  of  the  article  runs  as  follows :  "  Our 
readers  may  wish  to  know,  particularly,  how  the  day  is 
passed  at  this  school.  They  rise  in  winter  at  six;  and, 
after  the  devotional  exercises  of  the  morning,  are  busy 
with  teaching  and  study  till  eight,  at  which  time  all 
breakfast.  They  then  engage  in  vigorous  exercise  till 
nine,  when  the  season  for  intellectual  labor  again  com 
mences,  and  continues  till  noon.  Two  hours  are  al 
lowed  for  exercise,  dining,  and  for  rest,  when,  at  two, 
studies  are  resumed,  and  continued  till  four.  An  hour 
and  a  half  is  then  employed  in  the  sports  and  exercises 
suited  to  the  season.  The  evening  meal  is  over  by  six, 
when  some  time  is  passed  in  attending  to  declamations, 
and  then  about  an  hour  and  a  half  is  given  to  study,  and 
the  exercises  of  devotion.  The  instructors  and  pupils 
spend  a  few  moments  around  the  fire,  and  the  boys  are 
sent  to  bed  at  half  past  eight.  In  the  morning  and 
evening  religious  services  they  chiefly  use  the  excellent 
prayers  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  The  collects  and 
various  services  furnish  a  variety  of  earnest  and  suitable 
petitions.  Saturday  evening  they  meet,  but  not  for 
study.  At  that  time  exhortations  are  made  to  the  boys 
on  their  studies  and  on  subjects  suggested  by  the  events 
of  the  week.  The  older  boys  read  the  New  Testament 
aloud  to  the  school.  On  Sunday  the  smaller  boys  read 


1822-1831]      PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  175 

aloud  in  the  Bible.  The  older  ones  are  engaged  with 
works  of  Paley,  Porteus,  or  Mason,  books  where  the 
duties  of  religion  are  inculcated  without  any  of  the 
spirit  of  party."  According  to  this  article  there  were 
then  forty  boys  in  the  school.  In  the  first  eight  years 
of  its  existence  there  were  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
three.1 

It  is  a  fortunate  circumstance  that  one  of  these  boys, 
gifted  in  later  life  with  no  mean  powers  of  description, 
wrote  and  published  his  recollections  of  the  school. 
This  may  now  be  found  in  the  volume,  A  Sheaf  of 
Papers,  by  Thomas  Gold  Appleton.  Here  one  learns 
that  Bancroft  himself  did  much  of  the  teaching,  and 
directed  the  work  of  the  assistant  instructors,  American 
and  foreign.  Cogswell  was  rather  the  "father  of  the 
community"  and  its  general  manager.  The  teaching 
was  by  no  means  confined  to  books.  There  were 
sketching  and  riding  classes,  and  in  a  garden  near  the 
gymnasium,  equipped  with  German  appliances,  "many 
infant  lessons  in  farming  were  learned."  One  of  the 
institutions  of  the  place — at  least  till  a  boy's  flirtation 
with  a  pretty  vender  of  doughnuts  and  pies  brought  it  to 
a  close — was  "Crony  Village,"  a  little  colony  of  the 
boys'  own  building.  Supplied  with  bricks,  mortar, 
beams  and  boards,  they  made  small  houses  for  them 
selves,  and,  generally  in  families  of  two,  rejoiced  in 
cooking  over  their  own  hearthstones  potatoes  and  game, 
perhaps  some  of  the  wild  animals  they  were  encour 
aged  to  trap,  or  the  birds  shot  with  bow  and  arrow 
in  the  neighbouring  woods.  Another  institution  was 

1  See  Life  of  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  p.  353. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


176  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1S22-1831 

the  annual  journey  of  the  school.  With  horses  and 
waggons  enough  for  about  half  of  the  boys  to  ride  they 
set  forth.  By  the  "  ride  and  tie  "  method  they  proceeded, 
in  the  expedition  described  by  Mr.  Appleton,  as  far  as 
Saybrook,  Connecticut,  where  they  camped  and  enjoyed 
capital  fishing  in  the  smack  provided  for  their  use. 
It  was  doubtless  thought  to  be  in  pursuance  of  the  same 
healthful  purpose  that  the  boys  were  got  up  at  six 
o'clock  in  winter,  to  wash  in  water  crusted  with  ice 
which  they  used  to  grind  against  their  cheeks  like  soap, 
and  to  study,  partially  by  candle-light,  till  breakfast 
time.  The  table  was  good;  yet  it  may  be  imagined 
that  some  of  the  boys  would  have  enjoyed  it  more  if 
conversation  in  foreign  languages  had  not  sometimes 
been  prescribed  as  the  accompaniment  to  food.  It  is 
probable  that  cake  twice  a  week  at  tea  was  more  highly 
relished.  A  popular  house-keeper  and  her  daughter 
supplied  a  valuable  feminine  element  in  the  establish 
ment.  A  boys'  school  without  pillow-fights  would  be  an 
anomaly  indeed.  Of  these  there  is  a  reminiscence  which 
may  involve  Bancroft  himself.  "On  one  occasion 
two  stories  were  fighting  for  their  platforms,  the  lower 
attempting  by  the  stairs  to  carry  the  upper  by  storm. 
In  the  midst  of  the  noisiest  of  the  contest,  a  head 
master  was  discerned  ascending  the  stairs  to  make  an 
end  of  this  warfare.  Seeing  him,  the  fury  of  the  com 
batants  redoubled,  and  it  was  not  without  a  certain 
sinful  pleasure  that  the  boys  saw  him  lifted  from  his 
footing  to  the  lowest  stair,  by  the  Homeric  onslaught  of 
one  of  the  most  active  youths.  In  a  moment  the  pre 
tended  accident  of  mistaking  him  for  a  boy  was  qualified 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  177 

by  apology,  and  offers  of  the  profusest  sympathy.  His 
assailant  was  too  well  hidden  in  the  clouds  of  soldiers 
to  be  discovered  or  punished." 

Even  if  this  last  scene  from  life  at  Round  Hill  shows 
a  head-master  at  the  mercy  of  his  boys,  it  is  evident  that 
the  school  was  in  general  a  delightful  place.  The 
pupils  treasured  its  memory  as  one  of  their  best  pos 
sessions.  Yet  before  Bancroft  had  had  four  years  of  it 
there  are  indications  that  it  was  beginning  to  pall  upon 
him,  and  that  he  felt  his  true  vocation  still  undiscovered. 
In  a  letter  to  President  Kirkland,  August  6,  1827,  he 
wrote:  " Perhaps  you  may  like  to  hear  from  me,  how 
I  am  situated  in  mind,  affections,  and  estate  ?  I  would 
not  undertake  to  draw  for  you  a  picture  of  my  mind, 
though  I  might  have  little  to  conceal.  For  what  need  is 
there  of  reserve  in  a  man,  whose  passions  cannot  gain 
strength,  because  every  reasonable  wish  is  gratified,  and 
whose  thoughts  are  kept  from  wandering  by  occupations 
which  crowd  the  hours  of  day  with  employment  ?  Yet 
there  may  sometimes  arise  unchecked  a  wish  for  greater 
leisure,  to  be  devoted  to  letters  j1 1  sigh  for  the  enjoyment 
of  study  and  the  delight  and  pride  of  new  acquisitions; 
a  spirit  within  me  repines,  that  my  early  manhood  should 
be  employed  in  restraining  the  petulance  and  assisting 

1  In  the  Educational  Review  for  April,  1891,  the  Rev.  George 
E.  Ellis,  recalling  his  school-days  at  Round  Hill,  throws  some 
light  upon  Bancroft's  concern  for  his  own  studies.  While  sup 
posed  to  be  superintending  the  study  of  the  boys,  he  was  apt, 
says  Dr.  Ellis,  to  become  so  engrossed  in  some  book  of  his  own, 
that  pupils  would  creep  on  all  fours  out  of  the  room.  "  He  was 
absent-minded,  dreamy  and  often  in  abstracted  moods  as  well 
as  very  near-sighted.  I  have  seen  him  come  into  the  recitation 


\7S  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

the  weakness  of  children,  when  I  am  conscious  of 
sufficient  courage  to  sustain  collisions  with  men;  the 
desires  of  ambition  seem  to  have  fixed  themselves  on  no 
definite  object;  I  cannot  yet  say,  what  proof  that  I  have 
lived,  I  may  most  desire  to  leave  after  me;  I  cannot 
pierce  the  veil  that  hides  the  future,  nor  even  say  to 
myself  what  my  own  heart  would  prefer.  Yet  I  rejoice 
in  my  dependence  on  a  merciful  Providence,  I  am  con 
tent  to  apply  myself  to  my  present  duties  with  earnest 
ness  and  fidelity;  I  will  meet  the  future  as  it  approaches, 
and  shape  my  course  according  to  the  stream  on  which 
I  sail." 

There  is  no  lack  of  evidence  that  Bancroft  did  apply 
himself  faithfully  to  the  present  duties  at  Round  Hill. 
It  does  not  appear  that  the  pupils  remembered  his 
teaching  with  the  pleasure  that  marked  their  recollec 
tions  of  Cogswell.  The  Rev.  George  E.  Ellis,  writing 
as  an  old  "  Round-Hiller,"  helps  us  to  apprehend  the 
situation:  "I  suppose  that  Mr.  Bancroft,  though 
meaning  in  all  things  to  be  kind  and  faithful,  was,  by 
temperament  and  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  feelings 
and  ways  of  young  boys,  disqualified  from  winning  their 
regard  and  from  being  helpful  and  stimulating  to  them. 
He  seemed  to  be  more  earnestly  bent  on  learning  for 
himself  than  on  helping  them  to  learn.  His  single  year 

room  at  an  exercise  held  before  breakfast,  with  a  slipper  or  shoe 
on  one  foot  and  a  boot  on  the  other.  More  than  once  he  sent 
me  across  the  road  to  his  library  for  his  spectacles.  These  were 
generally  to  be  found  shut  into  a  book,  which  he  had  been  reading 
before  going  to  bed.  The  boys,  who  called  him  familiarly  'the 
Critter,'  were  fond  of  playing  tricks  upon  him,  which  they  could 
do  with  impunity,  owing  to  his  shortness  of  vision." 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  179 

as  a  tutor  in  Harvard  College,  before  going  to  Round 
Hill,  resulted  in  experiences  wholly  unsatisfactory  to 
himself  as  well  as  to  the  beloved  President  Kirkland, 
his  associates  in  the  faculty,  and  the  students.  There 
was  a  continual  restiveness  and  embroilment  excited  by 
what  were  viewed  as  his  crotchets.  It  should  be  said, 
however,  that  these  infelicities  showed  themselves  only 
in  Mr.  Bancroft's  relations  with  boyish  pupils.  For 
scholars  of  maturer  years  and  high  ambitions,  he  was 
a  most  warm-hearted,  kindly,  and  helpful  friend,  doing 
them  various  and  highly  valued  service."1 

If  Bancroft  had  been  an  entire  success,  as  a  teacher,  at 
Round  Hill,  one  might  expect  to  find  indications  that 
he  enjoyed  the  work,  and  abandoned  it  reluctantly. 
But  the  note  of  regret  is  lacking  in  the  record.  On 
August  30,  1831,  he  wrote  to  Edward  Everett:  " In  one 
short  month  I  cease  to  be  a  school-master.  What  is  to 
be  done?  My  plan  is  to  maintain  my  independence  if 
I  can.  Should  circumstances  favour,  I  think  I  shall 
succeed;  remaining,  however,  a  dweller  on  the  banks 
of  the  Connecticut."  More  than  a  year  before  writing 
this  letter  Bancroft  had  sold  his  interest  in  the  school 
to  Cogswell,  remaining  temporarily  as  a  salaried  in 
structor.  It  was  upon  the  financial  rock  that  Cogs 
well's  bark  was  soon  to  come  to  grief.  The  expense 
of  carrying  out  the  generous  plans  which  gave  the  school 
so  much  of  its  distinction,  together  with  the  difficulty  of 
collecting  the  bills  of  certain  easy-going  patrons  in  the 
South,  made  the  burden  too  heavy  for  Cogswell  to 
carry  indefinitely.  In  January,  1834,  he  was  advertis- 

1  See  Educational  Review,  April,  1891. 


180  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

ing  Round  Hill  for  sale,  and  preparing  to  take  a  teaching 
position  in  Raleigh,  North  Carolina.1  The  experiment 
had  proved  a  failure,  from  the  worst  effects  of  which 
Bancroft  had  saved  himself  by  an  earlier  retirement. 
Yet  it  was  an  experiment  which  reflected  nothing  but 
credit  upon  its  makers.  Regarded  either  as  a  fore 
shadowing  of  what  a  more  highly  developed  Tran 
scendentalism  might  produce  in  New  England,  or  as  a 
premature  attempt  to  give  the  chosen  youth  of  America 
an  anointment  with  the  oil  of  education  a  little  above 
their  fellows,  it  stands  forth  as  a  piece  of  embodied 
idealism  which  the  student  of  our  intellectual  phenom 
ena  cannot  afford  to  overlook. 

Had  Bancroft  confined  his  activities  through  the 
years  at  Round  Hill  to  school-teaching,  the  closing  of 
the  school  might  well  have  proved  disastrous  to  him. 
But  it  was  then  that  he  was  putting  to  the  test  the  powers 
of  his  pen.  In  1824,  1825  and  1826  respectively  ap 
peared  three  text-books,  a  Greek  Grammar,  a  Latin 
Reader,  and  a  Cornelius  Nepos,  adapted  from  German 
editions  to  meet  the  need  soon  discovered  by  Bancroft 
in  the  American  school-room.  In  1824  he  published  in 
Boston  a  translation  of  the  Reflections  on  the  Politics 
of  Ancient  Greece  by  his  Gottingen  master,  Heeren. 
This  was  followed  in  1829  by  two  volumes,  bearing  the 
Northampton  imprint,  of  Heeren's  History  of  the 
Political  System  of  Europe  and  its  Colonies,  from  the 
Discovery  of  America  to  the  Independence  of  the 
American  Continent.  Of  this  work  Bancroft  trans 
lated  only  a  part,  supervising  the  rest.  The  first  of 

1  See  Life  of  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  p.  184. 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  181 

these  translations,  besides  attracting  the  attention  of  the 
Edinburgh  Review,  was  immediately  reprinted  at 
Oxford  without  intimation  that  Bancroft  was  responsi 
ble  for  its  English  form.  All  these  undertakings  had 
their  value  in  acquainting  the  editor  and  translator  with 
such  technical  knowledge  of  book  production  as  the 
author  needs.  In  the  same  period  Bancroft  was  giving 
himself  the  far  more  important  training  of  the  author 
by  abundant  writing — especially  in  articles  for  the 
North  American  Review.  Between  1823  and  1834 
seventeen  of  these  articles  stand  to  Bancroft's  credit. 
They  deal  chiefly  with  themes  of  classical  and  European 
scholarship,  though  in  January  of  1831,  there  was  a 
paper  on  "The  Bank  of  the  United  States"  and  later 
in  the  same  year  an  article  on  Harvard  University, 
supporting  the  project  to  increase  the  college  library. 
The  Bank  article,  occupying  over  forty  pages  of  the 
Review,  was  not  so  much  an  attack  upon  the  institution 
as  an  argument  against  the  support  it  had  received  in 
the  Report  written  by  McDuffie  for  the  Congressional 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  Bancroft's  paper  was 
a  careful,  simple  piece  of  writing  showing  much  study 
and  thought.  The  reader  is  surprised  to-day,  as 
Bancroft  was  in  1831,  to  find  it  ending  with  a  declara 
tion  in  favour  of  renewing  the  charter  of  the  bank  and 
the  promise  of  a  second  article  on  this  phase  of  the 
subject.  Bancroft  wrote  a  second  article  which  A.  H. 
Everett,  the  editor,  was  unwilling  to  print;  and  three 
years  later  Bancroft,  indignant  at  the  gratuitous  conclu 
sion  of  his  first  article,  and  at  the  refusal  of  the  second, 
compelled  this  written  acknowledgment:  "The  last 


182  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1822-1831 

sentence  in  the  article  on  the  Bank  in  the  January 
number  of  the  North  American  Review  was  not  written 
by  you  nor  seen  by  you  before  the  number  was  printed 
and  published." 

The  sixth  of  the  seventeen  North  American  articles 
was  a  paper  on  "The  Life  and  Genius  of  Goethe,"  pub 
lished  in  the  October  number  of  1824.  A  friend  sent 
it  to  Goethe,  whose  thanks  in  German  for  it  may  be 
rendered  as  follows: 

"Your  Excellency  has  put  me  anew  under  obligation 
by  the  periodical  sent  me.  It  is  in  every  case  note 
worthy  to  see  how  the  effects  of  a  long  life  work  through 
the  world,  and  also  gain  gradually  here  and  there  in 
influence,  according  to  the  times  and  circumstances. 
I  had  to  smile  when  I  was  obliged  to  regard  myself  in  so 
distant  and  besides  so  republican  a  mirror. 

' '  Moreover,  this  essay  has  a  good  effect  upon  everybody : 
so  much  intellect  and  insight,  joined  with  a  youthfully 
cheerful  enjoyment  in  writing,  excites  a  certain  sympa 
thetic,  pleasant  feeling.  He  was  able  to  fill  out  pleasingly 
even  the  gaps  where  particular  information,  failed  him 
and  in  general  to  round  out  the  whole  with  euphemy."1 

The  "youthfully  cheerful  enjoyment  in  writing" 
which  Goethe  detected  may  be  noticed  in  the  other 
articles  Bancroft  was  writing  at  this  time.  The  episode 
of  the  Bank  article  has  shown  a  healthy  independence  of 
spirit.  This  was  sometimes  carried  to  a  point  which 
made  him  a  difficult  contributor.  How  seriously  he 
took  his  work  as  a  product  upon  which  no  irreverent 

1  See  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Goethe  und  Amerikanern,  L.  L. 
Mackall  (Goethe- Jahrbuch,  1904). 


1822-1831]     PERIOD   OF   TEACHING  183 

hand  must  be  laid,  several  passages  in  Bancroft's  letters 
to  Edward  Everett  reveal.  In  these  he  complains  vio 
lently  of  the  liberties  which  Jared  Sparks,  as  editor  of 
the  North  American,  had  taken  with  his  "copy."1  The 
integrity  of  his  own  self-expression  was  as  dear  to  him 
as  it  has  been  to  many  another  beginner  before  and 
since.  Yet  the  contributions  did  not  cease,  nor  were 
his  efforts  confined  to  the  North  American  Review.  In 
Walsh's  American  Quarterly  Review,  for  example,  we 
find  among  other  articles  from  Bancroft  a  paper  on 
H.  E.  Dwight's  Travels  in  North  Germany.  This  is 
particularly  worth  noting  for  its  evidences  of  Bancroft's 
reversion  to  the  European  diaries  which  have  provided 
so  many  of  the  earlier  pages  of  the  present  volume.  In 
a  word,  he  was  putting  to  good  use  all  his  acquisitions. 
Thus,  for  Bancroft,  the  period  of  teaching  was  also 
in  large  measure  a  period  of  learning — in  the  school  of 
practical  experience  in  writing.  In  this  period  also  fell 
the  more  vital  circumstance  of  his  first  marriage,  to 
Miss  Sarah  H.  Dwight,  daughter  of  Jonathan  Dwight  of 

1  On  January  2,  1827,  Sparks  wrote  to  Bancroft:  "  I  regret  as 
much  as  you  can,  that  the  article  [on  Greek  Lexicography]  was 
printed,  since  you  have  such  impressions  of  the  business,  though 
I  have  no  sense  of  '  wrong '  in  the  case,  and  can  only  wonder  again 
at  your  strange  notions  of  an  editor's  task,  and  of  these  things  in 
general.  1  believe  there  is  no  mortal  whose  views  on  this  subject 
in  any  respect  resemble  yours,  and  if  all  writers  were  thus 
minded,  an  editor's  condition  would  be  very  much  like  that  of  a 
toad  under  a  harrow.  No  man,  in  fact,  would  stand  to  such  a 
post  long — but  let  that  pass  ..." 

On  December  11,  1826,  Sparks  had  already  pointed  out  to 
Bancroft  "two  grand  mistakes:  first,  to  suffer  yourself  to  be 
unduly  excited  about  comparatively  small  things ;  and,  secondly, 
to  have  little  respect  for  the  judgment  of  others." 


184  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1822-1831 

Springfield.  The  marriage  took  place  March  1,  1827, 
before  Bancroft's  connection  with  the  Round  Hill 
School  was  severed.  Between  1831  and  1837,  when 
Mrs.  Bancroft  died,  four  children — two  daughters,  of 
whom  the  elder  died  in  infancy,  and  two  sons — were 
born.  The  period  of  teaching  and  learning  extended 
well  into  Bancroft's  maturity,  but  its  length  was  well 
proportioned  to  his  total  length  of  days  and  labour. 


IV 
POLITICS  AND  HISTORY 

1831—1845 

THE  chapters  of  a  man's  life  can  never  begin  and  end 
so  definitely  as  the  chapters  of  the  book  describing  it. 
Bancroft  did  not  turn  all  at  once  from  learning  to  teach 
ing,  from  poetising  to  preaching,  from  books  to  affairs, 
from  affairs  to  historiography.  The  busy  early  years 
of  his  life,  already  reviewed,  had  room,  before  the  task 
of  school-master  was  ended,  for  the  beginnings  of  the 
two  activities  to  which  the  remainder  of  his  life  was  de 
voted — politics,  emerging  later  into  statesmanship,  and 
historical  study  and  writing,  unremittingly  pursued  for 
nearly  sixty  years. 

While  he  was  still  one  of  the  masters  of  Round  Hill, 
Bancroft  delivered,  in  1826,  the  Fourth  of  July  oration 
at  Northampton.  This  was  his  first  public  political 
utterance.  It  was  not  an  occasion  for  partisan  argu 
ment,  and  was  not  utilised  for  that  purpose.  Yet  it  is 
a  significant  fact  that  on  this  very  day  when  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  John  Adams  were  dying,  it  was  the 
Virginia  not  the  New  England  statesman  whom  Ban 
croft  in  his  patriotic  oratory  described  as  one  "  whose 
principles  are  identified  with  the  character  of  our 

185 


186  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1831-1845 

Government,  and  whose  influence  with  the  progress  of 
civil  liberty  throughout  the  world."  It  was  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  doctrine  that  he  set  forth  when  he  declared, 
with  reference  to  the  Constitution,  that  "the  sovereignty 
of  the  people  is  the  basis  of  the  system.  With  the 
people  the  power  resides,  both  theoretically  and 
practically.  The  government  is  a  democracy,  a  de 
termined,  uncompromising  democracy;  administered 
immediately  by  the  people,  or  by  the  people's  responsi 
ble  agents."  And  again:  "The  popular  voice  is  all 
powerful  with  us;  this  is  our  oracle;  this,  we  acknowl 
edge,  is  the  voice  of  God." 

The  words,  uttered  before  any  party  considerations 
could  have  counted  for  much  with  Bancroft,  are  worth 
noting.  There  has  always  been  speculation  about  the 
influences  which  made  Bancroft  a  Democrat,  and 
separated  him,  in  Massachusetts,  from  most  of  his 
natural  associates.  The  social  and  academic  traditions 
of  these  associates  held  them  safe  within  the  Federalist- 
Whig  succession.  Those  who  stood  outside  of  it,  with 
the  supporters  first  of  Jefferson  and  then  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  were  regarded  almost  as  the  supporters  of 
"Ben"  Butler  at  a  later  day.  The  stronger  convictions 
of  the  first  half  of  the  century  expressed  themselves  per 
haps  even  more  definitely  in  lifted  eyebrows  and  cold 
averted  shoulders.  There  were  indeed  those  who 
entertained  the  suspicion — still  preserved  orally — that 
so  shrewd  an  observer  as  George  Bancroft  foresaw  the 
triumphs  of  Democracy,  and  knew  that  the  few  dis 
tinguished  Democrats  in  Massachusetts  must  obtain 
distinguished  political  rewards.  When  Harriet  Marti- 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  187 

neau  visited  America  in  1834-1835,  she  saw  something 
of  Bancroft,  and  may  very  well  have  derived  from  him 
the  impression  preserved  in  these  words  in  her  Society 
in  America:1  "A  Massachusetts  man  has  little  chance 
of  success  in  public  life  unless  he  starts  a  Federalist:  and 
he  has  no  chance  of  rising  above  a  certain  low  point,  un 
less,  when  he  reaches  that  point,  he  makes  a  transition 
into  Democracy." 

In  the  light  of  all  these  considerations  the  words  of 
1826,  when  Bancroft  himself,  teaching  school  in  a  New 
England  village,  was  but  twenty-six  years  old,  are 
certainly  significant;  and  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence 
in  the  preserved  correspondence  that  personal  ad 
vantage  dictated  his  choice  of  a  party,  it  is  fair  to  assume 
that  the  Northampton  oration  represented  Bancroft's 
native  political  bent,  nurtured  by  travel  and  study,  to 
ward  a  theoretic  belief  in  democracy  pure  and  simple. 
His  later  political  utterances  expressed  this  belief  again 
and  again.  Certainly  it  is  the  belief  which  coloured— 
often  with  too  clear  a  partiality — many  pages  of  his 
history.  Whether  the  history  was  tinged  by  his  political 
convictions,  or  his  politics  were  determined  by  his 
historic  bent,  would  be  a  fruitless  discussion.  There 
were  the  two  phenomena  side  by  side;  and  it  must  be 
said  that  Bancroft  the  politician  and  Bancroft  the 
historian,  were  consistent  exponents  of  the  same  demo 
cratic  principle. 

He  knew  well  enough  that  his  views  would  be  un 
popular  in  his  own  circle.  Three  days  before  delivering 
his  Northampton  oration  he  wrote  to  his  fiancee,  Miss 

1  Vol.  II,  p.  137. 


188  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1831-1845 

Dwight,  in  Springfield:  "If  your  father  should  think 
of  coming,  you  must  tell  him  what  a  radical,  democratic, 
levelling,  unrighteous  oration  I  have  written."  In  a 
letter  of  September  17,  1826,  to  Miss  Dwight,  visiting 
in  Boston,  there  is  another  passage  pointing  the  direction 
of  Bancroft's  early  political  philosophy:  "The  other 
day  I  was  wandering  among  the  tombs,  full  of  political 
speculations,  and  finding  the  honest  grave-digger's 
assistant,  one  of  the  sovereigns  of  the  country,  you 
know,  I  began  to  hold  forth  to  him  on  liberty  and 
equality.  'Ah!  yes/  replied  he,  rolling  up  the  eyes  of 
a  drunkard,  '  I  often  think,  as  I  am  turfing  graves,  that 
all  men  are  about  equal.  It  does  not  take  much  more 
turf  for  one  than  another,  and  I  charge  ninepence  a 
grave/  We  parted,  I  astonished  at  his  philosophy  and 
right  perception  of  things,  whether  he  thought  me  a  wise 
man  or  not." 

But  for  Bancroft's  marriage  his  outward  identifica 
tion  with  Democratic  politics  might  have  begun  earlier. 
His  wife's  family,  the  Dwights  of  Springfield,  were 
prominent  Whigs;  "and  at  her  request,"  said  Professor 
Sloane  in  an  article1  which  spoke  with  direct  authority, 
"he  never  accepted  office,  although  once  elected,  in 
1830,  to  a  seat  in  the  Legislature  without  his  knowledge, 
and  once,  in  1831,  requested  to  accept  the  nomination 
for  Secretary  of  State." 

That  he  did  not  escape  the  consequences  of  his 
Democratic  beliefs,  we  may  infer  from  letters  to  Mrs. 
Bancroft  written  during  a  trip  to  Boston  in  1831,  not 
long  after  the  appearance  of  his  article  on  the  Bank. 

1  Century  Magazine,  January,  1887. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND   HISTORY  189 

On  May  5,  Bancroft  defends  himself  against  calumnies 
which  have  disturbed  his  wife :  "  Indeed,  my  dear  wife," 
he  says,  "the  article  on  the  U.  S.  Bank  is  the  thing 
which  in  this  quarter  has  brought  upon  me  the  imputa 
tion  of  Jacksonism,  and  that  article  has  occasioned  more 
strictures  here  from  the  friends  of  the  bank,  and  the 
unqualified  friends  of  a  political  party.  ...  P.  S. 
Your  uncle  Ned  told  at  a  dinner  party  that  the  article 
on  the  bank  was  written  under  your  father's  dictation, 
simply  in  defense  of  your  father's  interest,  that  he  was  a 
large  stockholder  in  the  west  of  New  York,  &c.,  &c. 
This  Edmund  said  at  his  own  table  with  Webster,  Story 
and  others  at  it.  Judge  ye." 

On  the  journey  homeward  Bancroft  wrote  again: 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"WORCESTER,  May  10,  1831. 

"...  I  found  by  diligent  inquiry  at  the  sources,  that 
my  course,  as  it  respects  the  U.  S.  Bank,  was  well  ap 
proved  of.  Alexander,1  the  diplomatist,  sets  forth  his 
intention  to  print  the  continuance  of  it.  I  lectured  Ned 
on  his  ignorance  and  folly  about  the  matter;  and  gave 
him  plainly  to  understand,  he  might  read  what  I  should 
write,  to  learn;  and  not  undertake  to  criticise.  He  says 
in  Boston,  that  he  told  you  all  at  Springfield,  that  my 
views  were  derived  from  your  father's  personal  interests. 
I  said  plainly,  that  he  had  held  no  such  language;  and 
if  he  says  he  did,  he  ... 

1  Alexander  H.  Everett,  Editor  of  the  North  American  Review. 
See  p.  164. 


190  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1831-1845 

"I  passed  exactly  a  week  in  Boston  and  passed  it 
very  pleasantly.  All  my  friends  were  as  full  as  ever  of 
the  most  cordial  hospitality,  and  I  had  always  more 
invitations  that  I  could  accept.  They  had  heard  several 
foolish  and  false  stories;  they  esteemed  them  foolish  and 
false;  and  neither  Judge  Jackson,  nor  Mr.  Bowditch, 
nor  any  other  respectable  men,  had  conceived  'distrust'; 
nor  were  my  feelings  in  the  whole  time  once  ruffled  by 
any  unwelcome  suggestions.  The  book-seller  told  me, 
they  wished  to  print  everything  I  would  write;  the 
corporation,  at  least  a  leading  member  of  it,  expressed  a 
strong  wish  that  I  would  accept  a  place  at  Cambridge; 
and,  indeed,  many  seemed  to  wish  that  we  lived  nearer 
Boston,  that  so  the  friendly  intercourse  might  be  direct 
and  frequent.  I  met  nothing  but  kind  welcomes,  and 
frank  warm-heartedness,  the  industrious  calumnies  of 
Js  friends  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

"  I  have  made  a  good  journey  of  it  to  Boston.  I  have 
gained  self-confidence;  and  am  determined,  as  the 
Scripture  has  it,  to  work  out  my  own  salvation.  .  .  ." 

The  working  out  of  his  salvation  took  him  in  this  year 
of  1831  far  afield.  In  the  autumn  he  travelled  as  far 
west  as  Cleveland,  and  thence  to  Washington,  where  he 
spent  several  weeks,  on  business  connected  with  the  in 
corporation  of  a  Cleveland  bank.  In  this  business  he 
was  acting  not  only  for  himself,  but  for  the  Dwights, 
with  whom,  after  the  death  of  the  first  Mrs.  Bancroft, 
and  the  failure  of  the  bank,  there  were  unhappy  disa 
greements  touching  financial  matters.  During  Ban 
croft's  absence  from  home  in  1831  and  1832,  his  first 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  391 

child  was  born  and  died.  In  the  letters  which  passed 
between  him  and  his  wife  at  this  time,  there  are  passages 
of  more  than  merely  personal  concern: 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  December  25,  1831. 

"  What  shall  I  write  to  you  about  ?  You  charged  me 
to  write  to  you  only  of  facts  and  sentiment;  but  this  is 
the  region  of  corrupting  ambition  and  not  of  sentimental 
elegance;  and  as  for  the  other  branch  of  your  topics,  I 
can  only  say,  the  old  maxim  declares  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  a  fact  in  the  world ;  whether  this  is  universally 
true  or  no  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine,  but  here 
in  Washington,  you  may  run  through  every  street  in  the 
city  and  every  letter  in  their  alphabet  of  cross-roads,  and 
I  defy  you  to  catch  a  fact  in  any  one  of  them.  It  is  a 
received  adage,  that  truth  lies  at  the  bottom  of  a  well ; 
but  I  do  not  believe  it;  if  she  were  there,  we  could  send 
down  a  bucket  and  draw  her  out;  but  on  my  conscience 
I  believe  a  bucket  of  lies  would  come  up,  and  Truth  re 
main  as  little  seen  as  before. 

"But  really  that  youngest  Miss  Maxcy  is  a  very 
pretty  as  well  as  a  very  accomplished  girl,  talks  French 
as  well  as  our  little  one  will  at  sixteen,  and  plays  on  the 
piano  delightfully.  I  told  her  honestly,  before  I  asked 
the  indulgence  of  hearing  her,  that  I  really  knew  nothing 
of  music,  and  could  not  discriminate  one  tune  from 
another;  and  then  she  went  with  great  mildness  and 
good  nature  and  played  exquisitely  for  a  half  hour, 
when  her  sister  took  her  place  and  sang  a  French  song 


192  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

or  two  with  great  spirit  and  effect.  Maxcy  is  himself 
a  fine,  gentlemanly  fellow;  his  wife  is  not  brilliant  but 
amiable;  and  the  aspect  of  the  house  is  very  genteel  and 
domestic.  But  Mrs.  Donaldson  [sic]  is  a  far  prettier 
woman  than  Mrs.  Maxcy:  indeed  I  was  quite  charmed 
with  Mrs.  D.  Being  determined  to  have  a  long  and 
regular  chat  with  the  old  man/  the  roaring  lion  I  mean, 
I  went  in  the  evening.  I  assure  you  the  old  gentleman 
received  us  as  civilly  as  any  private  individual  could 
have  done :  he  had  me  introduced  to  all  the  ladies  of  the 
family,  and  such  was  the  perfect  ease  and  good  breeding 
that  prevailed  there,  they  talked  with  me  as  though  I  had 
been  an  acquaintance  of  ten  years'  standing.  I  re 
mained  there  a  large  part  of  the  evening,  and  the 
General  was  kind  enough  to  ask  his  niece  to  play  and 
sing.  She  did  both  very  sweetly  and  artlessly;  nor 
was  there  either  in  the  manner  of  Jackson  or  any  of  the 
ladies  the  least  hauteur  or  affectation.  I  received  a 
very  favourable  impression  of  the  President's  personal 
character;  I  give  him  credit  for  great  firmness  in  his 
attachments,  for  sincere  kindness  of  heart,  for  a  great 
deal  of  philanthropy  and  genuine  good  feeling;  but 
touching  his  qualifications  for  President,  avast  there — 
Sparta  hath  many  a  wiser  son  than  he.  .  .  . 

"My  nearest  neighbor  is  John  Davis.2  I  occupy  by 
night  a  room  adjoining  his;  but  by  day  we  are  the  insep 
arables  almost,  except  that  he  rarely  goes  out  unless  to 
the  house.  We  are  like  Damon  and  Pythias,  each 
writing  his  letters  at  opposite  ends  of  the  same  table  and 

1  President  Jackson. 

a  The  husband  of  Bancroft's  sister  Eliza. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  193 

sometimes  seasoning  our  occupations  with  the  salt  of  a 
little  conversation;  a  commentary  on  the  past;  a  fore 
boding  of  the  future;  a  cut  at  the  judicious  tariff;  or 
a  wise  remark  on  the  depravity  of  human  nature. 

"Mrs.  Wayne  inquires  after  you  as  usual  with  inter 
est:  and  all  my  friends  take  an  opportunity  of  express 
ing  their  interest  in  the  little  girl,  who  is,  it  appears, 
likely  to  vie  with  her  mother  in  beauty  under  the  mother's 
fostering  care.  If  the  poor  thing  shows  already  a  will 
of  her  own,  she  at  least  comes  honestly  by  it. 

"By  the  way,  I  forgot  to  mention,  that  General 
Jackson  is  a  great  stickler  for  virtue  and  truth;  he  de 
clares  that  our  institutions  are  based  upon  the  virtue 
of  the  community,  and  added,  that  the  moment  '  dema 
gogues  obtain  influence  with  the  people  our  liberties 
will  be  destroyed/  I  was  excessively  edified  by  so 
chaste  and  apposite  a  remark.  He  assured  me  that 
truth  would  in  the  eend  (pronounce  the  word  to  rhyme 
with  fiend)  be  every  man's  best  policy.  He  talked  very 
learnedly  upon  the  present  state  of  England,  the 
Princess  of  Orange's  jewels,  and  I  drew  him  out  on  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States. 

"The  Potomac  still  continues  frozen,  and  poor  Mrs. 
Johnston  with  her  eleven  trunks  and  eight  bandboxes, 
has  not  clothes  enough  to  go  abroad.  She  has  credit 
here  for  an  unprecedented  fondness  for  dress;  her 
ornaments  are  more  various  and  prettier  and  more 
expensive  than  those  of  any  lady  in  the  city.  She  never 
appears  in  company  twice  in  the  same  dress,  but  de 
lights  in  vicissitudes  and  changes  and  elaborate  display. 
Mrs.  Wayne,  on  the  contrary,  has  become  quite  a 


194  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

theologian,  and  argues  on  the  fall  of  Adam,  the  serpent 
and  the  apple  with  all  the  ardour  of  a  neophite  and  all 
the  sincerity  of  a  devotee. 

"The  American  people,  as  a  whole,  are  a  stern  race. 
Gaiety  of  heart  is  almost  unknown.  Care,  like  the  old 
man  on  Sinbad's  shoulders,  jumps  upon  every  one's 
back;  and  I  declare  to  you,  I  cannot  recall  the  time, 
when  I  have  witnessed  any  light-hearted,  innocent 
drollery,  or  the  outpourings  of  merry  good  nature. 
Everybody  is  intensely  occupied  in  the  pursuit  of  some 
thing;  and  in  their  progress  through  life  these  impetuous 
aspirants  do  not  even  seek  out  resting-places. 

"A  merry  Christmas  to  you,  one  and  all.  I  am  to  eat 
my  Christmas  Dinner  at  five  o'clock  with  his  ex- 
majesty  King  Charles  the  Tenth.  Ah!  I  would  rather 
be  by  your  side,  than  listen  to  the  experiences  of  abro 
gated  royalty.  I  have  written  many  letters,  but  receive 
few. 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"CiTY  OF  WASHINGTON,  December  27,  1831. 
"...  I  wrote  to  you  on  Christmas  day.  At  five  I 
went  to  John  Q.  Adams',  and  there  we  had  a  very  agree 
able  entertainment.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  A.  pleased  me  a 
great  deal  more  in  their  present  condition,  than  of  yore 
in  the  palace.  Mr.  A.  talked  a  great  deal  and  exceed 
ingly  well;  the  dinner  was  excellent,  except  that  the 
venison,  a  superb  saddle,  was  not  hot.  I  got  so  much 
engaged  in  conversation,  that  I  staid  till  after  nine. 
Among  other  curious  things,  Mr.  A.  told  me,  that  in 
the  year  1823  on  the  death  of  Judge  Livingston,  he  had 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  195 

named  to  Mr.  Monroe  Van  Buren  as  a  candidate  for  a 
place  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  court.  The  hero 
of  Kinderhook  promised  that,  should  he  receive  the 
appointment,  he  could  convoke  his  enemies  and  his 
friends  at  Albany,  give  them  an  elegant  dinner,  treat 
them  to  an  abundance  of  Champaign,  and  then,  in  a 
valedictory  speech,  would  bid  farewell  forever  to  politics 
and  pledge  himself  to  know  no  parties  upon  the  bench. 
Mr.  Adams  thinks,  that  had  Van  Buren  at  that  time 
been  appointed  Judge,  he  would  have  followed  in  the 
track  of  Marshall,  and  proved  himself  a  sound  inter 
preter  of  national  principles.  That  may  have  issued 
so;  but  I  drew  another  inference.  Van  Buren  was  at 
that  time  the  leader  of  the  Crawford  party  in  New  York, 
and  by  nullifying  its  leader  Adams  hoped  to  have 
secured  that  state  to  his  own  support  without  division. 
During  dinner  the  topics  discussed  were,  the  French 
revolution,  the  condition  of  England,  the  political 
characters  of  Whitbread,  Pitt,  Fox,  Lord  Grey  and 
others,  besides  some  topics  more  of  learning  than  ex 
perience,  and  quite  a  discussion  of  the  influence  of  the 
press.  Mr.  Adams  compared  the  press  to  guns,  armour, 
the  implements  of  war;  I  replied,  that  those  were  es 
sentially  the  means  of  destruction;  that  I  would  com 
pare  the  press  rather  to  the  Cereal  grains,  which  are 
ordinarily  the  nutriment  of  life,  but  which  are  some 
times  perverted  by  distillation  into  poisonous  liquors. 
'I  cannot  admit  your  comparison/  cried  Mr.  A.,  and 
others  at  table  joined  against  me;  but  my  view  is,  none 
the  less,  the  more  humane  and  true. 

"Yesterday  the  President's  house  was  open  at  noon 


196  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

for  all  true  Musselmen.  Davis  and  I  went,  and  found 
the  General,  the  East  Room,  Mrs.  Donaldson  and  all 
that  was  to  have  been  expected.  The  old  man  stood 
in  the  centre  of  a  little  circle,  about  large  enough  for  a 
cotillion,  and  shook  hands  with  anybody  that  offered. 
The  number  of  ladies  who  attended  was  small;  nor 
were  they  brilliant.  But  to  compensate  for  it,  there  was 
a  throng  of  apprentices,  boys  of  all  ages,  men  not 
civilised  enough  to  walk  about  the  rooms  with  their 
hats  off;  the  vilest  promiscuous  medley,  that  ever  was 
congregated  in  a  decent  house;  many  of  the  lowest, 
gathering  round  the  doors,  pouncing  with  avidity  upon 
the  wine  and  refreshments,  tearing  the  cake  with  the 
ravenous  keenness  of  intense  hunger;  starvelings,  and 
fellows  with  dirty  faces  and  dirty  manners;  all  the 
refuse  that  Washington  could  turn  forth  from  its  work 
shops  and  stables.  In  one  part  of  the  room  it  became 
necessary  to  use  the  rattan;  and  a  respectable  woman 
would  have  far  preferred  to  walk  in  the  streets  to 
the  chance  of  being  jostled  in  that  assembly. 

"I  dined  at  Mr.  Seaton's.  His  wife  is  a  lady  of 
[word  missing]  understanding,  and  the  party  was  just 
large  enough  to  be  so  [word  cut  from  letter]  agreeable. 
Mr.  S.  is,  as  you  may  perhaps  know,  one  of  the  Editofrs 
of  the?]  National  Intelligencer,  largely  acquainted 
with  public  men  and  measures,  and  of  very  respectable 
character  and  talents.  I  remained  there  till  evening, 
when  I  repaired  to  Calhoun's  to  hear  a  new  dissertation 
on  negative  powers. 

"But  to-day  I  am  quite  in  despair.  My  business  is 
delayed  by  the  want  of  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  197 

the  Treasury,  and  today  I  am  informed,  he  is  sick  in 
bed  with  the  influenza.  I  can  with  difficulty  practice 
the  patience  that  is  necessary.  To  form  any  idea  of 
the  time,  when  I  may  bring  my  business  here  to  an 
issue,  is  in  vain.  I  almost  abandon  the  pursuit;  yet 
$8000  are  worth  a  little  patience  and  a  sturdy  effort. 
Talk  of  reform!  The  departments  are  full  of  the 
laziest  clerks,  and  men  are  paid  large  salaries  for  neglect 
ing  the  public  business.  But  as  I  am  in  their  hands  I 
am  forced  to  be  civil;  otherwise  I  could  read  them  a 
vituperative  lecture." 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  11,  1832. 
"The  city  has  to-day  been  edified  by  an  interesting 
speech  from  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate.  He  had  on  Mon 
day  introduced  a  resolution,  which  covers  the  whole 
ground  of  the  protective  system.  It  was  understood 
that  he  would  call  it  up  for  consideration  to-day  at  one 
o'clock.  Accordingly  at  twelve  Mrs.  Johnston  took 
me  in  her  carriage  and  I  was  her  beau  into  the  Senate 
chamber.  Though  we  came  thus  early,  the  usual  seats 
were  all  occupied  by  ladies.  So  we  were  compelled  to 
go  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  occupy  chairs  in 
front  of  the  Vice  President  between  him  and  the 
Senators.  Never  did  I  see  a  greater  concourse:  the 
Galleries  were  full,  and  all  the  beauty  and  fashion  of  the 
city  were  present.  Mr.  Clay  was  evidently  moved  by 
the  enormous  concourse,  which  the  fame  of  his  eloquence 
had  assembled;  he  began  with  expressions  of  great 


198  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

modesty,  and  then  proceeded  in  a  speech  highly  argu 
mentative  and  in  no  respect  declamatory,  to  make  an 
exposition  of  his  views.  His  speech  contained  no 
pathetic  appeals,  no  special  graces;  but  was  clear 
forcible  and  convincing.  I  cannot  say  that  intense 
interest  was  kept  up.  As  it  is  the  opening  of  the  debate, 
peculiar  vehemence  would  have  been  in  bad  taste; 
parliamentary  decorum  seems  to  require  an  attack,  as  a 
preliminary  to  [earnestness  of  excitement.  The  older 
members  of  Congress  declare  that  Mr.  Clay's  speech  in 
point  of  argument  ranks  among  his  best:  in  point  of 
declamation  it  was  inferior  to  many.  If  I  must  speak 
the  truth  I  should  own  myself  a  little  disappointed. 
His  manner  was  not  so  graceful,  as  I  had  supposed; 
nor  was  his  language  distinguished  by  richness  or 
variety.  He  spoke  for  an  hour  and  three  quarters. 

"Yet  Clay's  superiority  was  eminent  when  Hayne  rose 
to  reply.  He  made  a  few  remarks,  purely  declamatory, 
and  then  moved  deferring  the  subject  till  Monday 
next.  In  other  words,  he  wishes  to  take  time  to  prepare 
a  speech  and  invites  the  ladies  to  come  and  honour  him 
with  their  presence  the  first  day  of  next  week. 

"I  think  the  Tariff  policy  will  be  sustained,  while  the 
Bank  will  not  get  its  charter  renewed  this  winter.  .  .  ." 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  17,  1832. 
"...  The  Colonization  Society  had  a  famous  meet 
ing  last  night  in  the  Hall  of  the  Representatives.     The 
appearance   of   that   splendid    room,  when   brilliantly 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  199 

lighted  up,  is  exceedingly  fine.  Resolutions  were 
offered  from  various  quarters,  and  several  addresses 
were  made.  My  feelings  were  on  the  whole  enlisted 
in  favour  of  the  colony  at  Liberia,  which  is  perhaps 
destined  ultimately  to  carry  the  light  and  benefits  of 
civilisation  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  African  conti 
nent.  I  heard  with  horror,  that  the  slave  trade  is  still 
continued  under  as  aggravating  circumstances  as  ever; 
and  that  the  infernal  cupidity  of  the  slave  dealers  still 
carries  one  hundred  thousand  negroes  annually  into 
foreign  bondage.  Mr.  Everett  spoke  with  great 
eloquence  and  at  considerable  length.  Some  of  his 
images  were  exceedingly  beautiful;  and  his  manner 
ready,  dignified,  and  graceful.  His  language  also  was 
rich  and  glowing,  and  had  nothing  of  the  homely  barren 
ness,  by  which  most  of  the  speakers  in  Congress  are 
distinguished.  Indeed  I  think  public  speaking  at  this 
place  is  extremely  jejune  and  diffuse.  Strong  practical 
sense  and  firmness  of  character  prevail  far  more  than  the 
arts  of  oratory,  with  the  more  honest  part  of  the  public 
officers;  while  the  talent  at  intrigue  and  the  art  of 
forming  combinations  best  serve  the  purposes  of  political 
aspirants. 

"Mr.  Archer  of  Virginia  spoke  also  last  evening  and 
at  considerable  length.  From  the  tenour  of  his  remarks, 
it  is  plain,  that  the  state  which  he  represents,  is  at  least 
deeply  sensible  of  the  evils  of  slavery,  and  fearfully  looks 
forward  to  an  impending  crisis.  He  described  the  con 
dition  of  free  blacks  in  the  slave-holding  states  to  be 
wretched  in  the  extreme;  cut  off  from  all  opportunity  of 
successful  exertion,  and  necessarily  rendered  vicious, 


200  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

because  they  are  necessarily  idle.  But  for  my  part,  I 
shall  not  take,  so  far  as  the  South  is  concerned,  I  shall 
not  take  a  deep  interest  in  their  participation  in  forward 
ing  colonisation  in  Africa,  unless  they  also  take  some 
steps,  initiatory  at  least,  to  final  emancipation.  And  of 
this  there  exists  little  hope,  until  the  evil  becomes  far 
more  intense  than  it  now  is.  For  slavery  corrupts  the 
masters.  My  strongest  objection  to  it  is  not  derived 
from  the  degradation  and  injuries  of  the  blacks:  no; 
it  further  demoralises  the  whites,  cuts  the  sinews  of 
industry,  dries  up  the  sources  of  intelligent  enterprise 
and  inventive  competition,  and  while  it  renders  the 
slave  an  inefficient  eye  servant,  it  forms  the  master  to 
habits  of  indolent  apathy.  The  slave-owner  is  essen 
tially  a  man  of  expedients;  he  accustoms  himself  to 
discomforts;  he  contents  himself  with  miserable  patch 
work;  he  punishes  himself  constantly  for  subjecting 
his  fellow-men  to  bondage  by  a  proportionate  deprecia 
tion  in  [najtive  skill,  prompt  industry,  orderly  neatness, 
and  regular  economy.  I  could  not  easily  be  tempted 
to  live  in  a  slave  country.  .  .  ." 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  18,  1832. 
"...  A  thick,  heavy  book  has  been  my  table:  it  is 
the  History  of  the  American  colonies  by  Chalmers;  a 
work,  written  in  a  tory  spirit,  full  of  spleen  against  our 
ancestors  but  marked  by  profound  investigation  and 
great  legal  acuteness.  The  volume  is  in  part  polemic  in 
its  character;  having  the  object  to  prove  the  right  of 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  201 

Great  Britain  to  tax  her  colonies;  today  I  have  selected, 
to  while  away  a  few  solitary  hours,  a  work  more  varied 
in  its  character.  It  is  the  treatise  of  Sir  Humphrey 
Davy  on  the  Passions ;  and  belongs  to  a  class  of  works, 
which  I  have  ever  loved  to  read.  But  during  my 
absence  I  have  rather  had  occasion  to  study  man  in  life 
and  conduct;  my  former  years  were  you  know  passed 
rather  among  books  and  boys  than  in  action.  It  has 
been  a  benefit  to  me  to  have  mingled  actively  among 
men;  I  understand  them  better  than  before;  I  have  also 
acquired  self-confidence;  finding  myself  abundantly 
able  to  mix  with  the  active  on  even  terms.  Or  rather, 
I  may  say,  that  all  my  exertions  have  thus  far  prospered, 
and,  so  far  as  it  is  well  to  have  laboured  successfully,  so 
far  you  may  have  satisfaction  in  my  winter's  work. 

"It  seems  to  me  at  times,  as  if  the  recollection  of 
former  years  were  returning  to  my  mind  more  vividly 
than  heretofore.  The  tastes,  which  have  lain  dormant, 
have  revived ;  and  my  mind  has  been  aroused  to  greater 
activity.  It  was  an  unwise  thing  in  me  to  have  made 
myself  a  school-master:  that  was  a  kind  of  occupation, 
to  which  I  was  not  peculiarly  adapted,  and  in  which 
many  of  inferior  abilities  and  attainments  could  have 
succeeded  as  well.  I  have  felt  rejoiced  at  being  en 
tirely  emancipated  from  this  condition :  I  am  too  fond 
of  personal  independence  to  be  willing,  that  my  time 
should  be  for  each  day  so  exactly  measured  out:  be 
sides  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  journey  in  any  direc 
tion  in  the  pleasant  season  with  you:  but  now,  dearest 
love,  I  shall  be  able  to  show  you  the  heights  of  the 
Catskill ;  and  perhaps  take  you  to  the  falls  of  Trenton : 


202  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

at  any  rate,  we  will  so  combine  our  arrangements,  that 
you  shall  have  more  to  amuse  and  please  you  than  the 
first  four  years  of  our  marriage  afforded.  .  .  ." 

To  MRS.  S.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"CiTY  OF  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  23,  1832. 

"...  Last  night  I  passed  an  hour  or  two  in  a  manner 
as  gratifying  to  me  as  any  could  have  been  among 
strangers.  We  went  to  call  upon  Judge  Story,  and  we 
found  there  Judge  Baldwin  and  Chief  Justice  Marshall. 
I  drew  my  chair  close  up  to  the  latter,  nor  can  you 
readily  conceive  of  the  great  suavity  or  rather  calmness 
of  manner  by  which  he  is  distinguished.  In  conversa 
tion  he  makes  no  display  nor  is  he  remarkable  except 
for  this  venerable  coolness  of  manner.  There  are 
about  him  no  marks  of  genius ;  but  in  his  entire  collected- 
ness,  great  precision,  and  calm  uniformity,  you  may 
discern  the  signs  of  an  unerring  judgment.  He  is  by 
all  acknowledged  to  stand  foremost  on  the  bench  of 
the  Supreme  court,  a  first-rate  man  in  the  first  class  of 
greatness.  He  has  travelled  very  little;  has  not  been 
in  New  England  since  the  war;  has  hardly  seen  New 
York,  but  has  lived  in  the  regular  exercise  of  his  judicial 
functions,  unincumbered  by  other  care  than  that  of 
giving  character  and  respectability  to  the  bench  over 
which  he  presides.  Judge  Baldwin  thinks  more  of  the 
Tariff,  than  he  does  of  law;  but  he  is  an  agreeable  man, 
full  of  vivacity,  and  a  thorough  advocate  of  the  protective 
system. 

"We  called  on  the  Judge  at  [an]  early  hour  in  the 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  203 

evening;  but  I  was  so  taken  with  the  respected  circle, 
that  I  remained  willingly  within  the  influences  of  their 
wisdom,  till  after  nine. 

"Today  the  Tariff  question  has  been  tried  in  the 
house;  a  very  strong  and  decided  vote  was  given  in 
favour  of  the  protective  policy. 

"You  may  tell  your  father,  the  Tariff  system  is 
perfectly  safe  for  the  period  of  the  present  Congress." 

The  Washington  letters  bear  all  the  marks  of  a  keen 
interest  in  public  affairs  and  men.  It  was  to  an  incon 
spicuous  routine  and  to  a  wife  pitifully  saddened  by  the 
loss  of  her  first  child  that  Bancroft  returned  early  in 
1832.  They  were  still  living  in  Northampton,  and 
much  of  Bancroft's  time  was  free  for  magazine  writing 
and  whatever  else  he  might  elect.  The  financial  re 
turns  from  the  magazine  work  could  not  have  been  the 
sole  provocations  to  his  industry  in  this  direction.  In 
1831,  a  Boston  editor,  Joseph  T.  Buckingham,  planning 
a  new  periodical,  wrote  to  Bancroft:  "Several  gentle 
men  have  agreed  to  furnish  original  matter  at  the  rate 
of  one  dollar  a  printed  page,  that  being  the  price  paid 
for  contributions  by  the  proprietors  of  the  N.  A. 
Review."  In  1832  Bancroft  received  from  Cincinnati 
the  prospectus  of  the  Western  Quarterly  Review,  with 
this  extravagant  promise  from  the  publishers:  "For 
each  accepted  article  they  will  pay  THREE  DOLLARS 
PER  PAGE — a  rate  of  compensation  for  literary  labour, 
unusual,  they  believe,  on  this  side  the  Atlantic." 
Bancroft's  vision  at  this  time,  however,  must  have  been 
fixed  upon  the  future  more  than  the  present — and  he  was 


204  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1831-1845 

\ 

fortunate  in  the  independence  which  the  circumstances 
of  his  wife  and  the  success  of  Round  Hill  school  up  to 
the  time  of  his  leaving  it  had  brought  to  him. 

Unhappily  the  records  of  Bancroft's  career  reveal  no 
such  moment  as  that  in  which  Prescott,  after  casting 
about  for  a  great  undertaking,  wrote  in  his  diary:  "I 
subscribe  to  the  'History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.'" 
Conscious  as  Bancroft  was  that  "many  of  inferior 
abilities  and  attainments  could  have  succeeded  as  well 
as  he  did  "  in  the  profession  of  teaching,  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  shared  with  others  his  views  of  what  he  could  do. 
There  are  no  direct  memorials  of  the  process  of  mind 
which  brought  him  to  beginning  the  work  of  his  life 
time.  That  the  subject  of  American  history  was  engag 
ing  his  interest  and  study,  his  closest  friends  and  corre 
spondents  must  have  known.  His  letters  of  the  early 
'thirties'  abound  in  evidences  that  he  was  seeking  in 
formation  in  every  available  quarter.  As  President  Kirk- 
land  in  1825  thought  it  worth  while  to  consult  Bancroft 
about  the  use  of  the  subjunctive  in  bestowing  an  honor 
ary  degree  upon  President  Dwight  of  Yale,  so  Bancroft 
turned  for  help  to  those  who  could  render  it.  James 
Savage  and  others  answered  queries  upon  points  within 
their  knowledge.  Judge  Story,  in  a  letter  of  May  15, 
1834,  warmly  commended  the  portion  of  the  book  which 
he  had  read,  at  Bancroft's  request,  in  proof.  Wherever 
one  may  turn  in  the  letters  written  and  received  by 
Bancroft  at  this  time  there  are  traces  of  industry, 
industry — prodigious  and  indefatigable.  When  the 
fruits  of  it  all  came  to  light  in  the  first  volume  of  his 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  205 

History  of  the  United  States,  in  1834,  the  uses  to  which 
he  was  putting  his  independence  were  clear  to  see.  It 
was  equally  clear  that  he  had  undertaken  no  small 
task,  for  the  first  words  of  the  Preface  are:  "I  have 
formed  the  design  of  writing  a  History  of  the  United 
States  from  the  Discovery  of  the  American  Continent 
to  the  present."  Farther  on  he  says :  "  The  work  has 
already  occasioned  long  preparation,  and  its  completion 
will  require  further  years  of  exertion."  That  these 
years  would  number  nearly  three  score,  and  that  the 
History  would  end  where  the  actual  life  of  the  United 
States  begins,  neither  writer  nor  reader  could  have 
imagined. 

It  is  not  a  part  of  the  plan  of  this  biography  to  pause 
at  the  appearance  of  each  volume  of  Bancroft's  History 
for  a  critical  consideration  of  its  contents.  The  work 
of  so  voluminous  an  historian  can  be  viewed  perhaps 
more  profitably  at  a  later  point  and  as  a  whole. 
Here  it  will  suffice  to  give  some  impressions  of  the 
effect  which  Bancroft's  first  volume  produced  upon 
certain  of  his  contemporaries.  Nothing  could  have 
given  him  more  pleasure  than  the  following  words 
from  Edward  Everett: 

From  EDWARD  EVERETT  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"  CHARLESTOWN,  Massachusetts,  October  5,  1834. 

"  I  have  this  moment  finished  reading  your  History. 

I  cannot  say  I  have  studied   the  volume,  because  it 

is  just  twenty-four  hours   since  I  took  it  up,  and  in 

this  interval  I  have  had  a  night's  sleep  and  a  day's 


206  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

attendance  at  church.  But  I  have  read  every  word 
in  your  book,  and  on  a  few  points  compared  such 
authorities,  as  I  have  on  my  shelves.  I  mention  the 
rapidity  with  which  I  have  gone  through  it,  as  the 
best  manner  of  letting  you  know,  how  much  it  has  in 
terested  me. 

"  I  can  say,  with  great  sincerity,  that  I  think  you  have 
done  most  admirably;  I  am  afraid  to  tell  you  how  much 
I  like  it;  not  for  fear  you  will  suspect  my  honesty;  but 
for  fear  that,  in  thus  writing  to  you,  under  the  excitement 
of  the  recent  perusal  of  the  book,  and  with  my  mind 
labouring  with  all  the  noble  ideas  and  warm  feelings  it 
has  awakened,  I  may  say  more,  than,  at  a  cooler  mo 
ment,  I  can  stand  to.  Of  that  I  must  take  my  chance; 
and  for  the  present,  I  must  tell  you,  that  I  think  you 
have  written  a  Work  which  will  last  while  the  memory 
of  America  lasts;  and  which  will  instantly  take  its 
place  among  the  classics  of  our  language.  It  is  full  of 
learning,  information,  common  sense,  and  philosophy; 
full  of  taste  and  eloquence;  full  of  life  and  power. 
You  give  us  not  wretched  pasteboard  men;  not  a  sort 
of  chronological  table,  with  the  dates  written  out  at 
length,  after  the  manner  of  most  historians: — but  you 
give  us  real,  individual,  living  men  and  women,  with 
their  passions,  interests,  and  peculiarities.  I  have 
read  too  hastily  to  institute  comparisons,  but  the 
sketch  of  Williams,  and  the  topic  of  Puritanism  seem  to 
me  most  happily, — I  know  not  whether  to  say, — thrown 
off  or  studied  out  (for  like  every  thing  super-excellent, 
there  is  in  them  a  mixture  of  inspiration  and  thought) : 
and  Soto's  expedition,  the  mode  of  life  in  Virginia,  King 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  207 

James's  character,  Hooker's  emigration,  the  origin  of 
the  Covenant  in  Scotland  are  also  essays  more  or  less 
detailed  of  exceeding  beauty  and  strength.  I  do  assure 
you,  I  never  read  a  volume  with  greater  pleasure,  few 
with  equal  satisfaction;  and  I  could  not  rest  till  I  had 
told  you  so. 

"I  could  almost  envy  you  to  have  found  so  noble  a 
theme,  while  yet  so  young.  You  can  bestow  on  it  all 
the  time  it  needs.  Carry  it  on,  and  complete  it  before 
you  reach  the  meridian." 

In  the  January,  1835,  number  of  the  North  American 
Review  appeared  Everett's  review  of  Bancroft's  first 
volume.  Though  the  file  of  family  letters  shows  that 
it  did  not  wholly  satisfy  his  nearest  of  kin,  the  following 
letter  indicates  what  it  meant  to  Bancroft  himself: 

To  EDWARD  EVERETT. 

"NORTHAMPTON,  January  8,  1835. 

"  I  have  this  afternoon  read  your  notice  of  my  History. 
If  I  had  not  steeled  my  heart  against  all  weakness,  I 
should  have  shed  tears  of  delight  as  I  read  it;  and  that 
not  from  the  gratification  merely  of  my  hopes  as  an 
author,  but  also  from  a  sense  of  pride  and  gratitude, 
that  such  praise  could  be  bestowed  upon  me  by  one 
whose  candour  I  have  ever  admired  and  whose  genius 
I  have  venerated.  The  article  is  beautifully  written; 
it  says  everything  and  more  than  everything  that  my 
nearest  friends  could  desire. 

"From  my  earliest  years,  you  have  been  a  sort  of 


208  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

good  genius  to  me.  In  boyhood  my  love  of  letters  was 
kindled  and  heightened  by  my  admiration  of  your  ex 
ample;  and  though  the  choice  of  the  narrow  path  of 
intelligence  has  sometimes  led  me  among  thorns,  I  have 
never,  for  a  moment,  regretted  my  election.  It  was 
your  advice  to  our  excellent  Kirkland,  which  carried 
me  to  Germany;  it  was  your  letters  which  made  me 
friends  there,  taught  me  how  to  keep  in  the  ruts,  and 
how  to  profit  by  my  opportunities.  I  saw,  then,  at 
Gottingen,  the  impossibility  of  reconciling  the  acquisi 
tions  of  a  German  University  with  the  notions  of 
Boston;  I  remember  well  writing  you  so;  I  remember 
well,  advising  with  you  on  devoting  myself  to  the 
pursuit  of  history,  and  for  sixteen  years  my  main  pur 
pose  in  life  has  been  unchanged. 

"The  public  press  seems  unwilling  to  leave  me  at 
rest.  Petty  scribblers  are  still  busy,  although  I  have 
held  my  peace.  I  regard  their  folly  with  perhaps  too 
much  indifference;  at  any  rate  it  cannot  disturb  the 
tranquillity  with  which  I  ever  cherish  for  you  the 
strong  sentiments  of  grateful  friendship;  or  the  satis 
faction  I  derive  from  your  praise.  .  .  ." 

The  commendation  of  Bancroft's  Gottingen  instruc 
tor,  Heeren,  must  have  been  no  less  welcome  than  that 
of  his  American  adviser.  Heeren's  letter,  translated 
as  follows,  has  the  special  interest  of  emphasising 
the  German  standards  of  thoroughness  in  going  to 
original  sources  and  letting  the  reader  follow  every 
where.  It  therefore  suggests  an  important  influence 
in  Bancroft's  training. 


1831-1845 J  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  209 

From  A.  H.  L.  HEEREN  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT: 

"GOTTINGEN,  September  1,  1835. 

"My  honoured  Friend. — You  have  refreshed  my  re 
membrance  of  you  in  the  most  excellent  way.  First  I 
received  the  letter  announcing  your  work,  and  only  a 
few  days  later,  there  came,  what  I  dared  not  hope,  the 
book  itself.  Never  have  I  been  so  agreeably  surprised. 
You  have  chosen  a  great  subject;  it  is  a  life  work,  for  it 
will  occupy  you  a  great  part  of  it,  and  altogether  it  is 
the  most  agreeable,  the  most  grateful,  and  the  worthiest 
labour  you  could  enter  upon. 

"I  am  still  busy  reading  your  book,  and  the  further  I 
read  the  more  it  rivets  my  attention.  You  have 
laboured  with  masterly  care  and  constant  effort.  I  am 
amazed  at  the  mass  of  sources  you  have  used,  and  I 
rejoice  that  the  library  in  New  Cambridge,  being  open 
to  you,  has  met  all  your  requirements.  The  care  with 
which  in  each  case  you  have  given  the  authorities 
enables  the  reader  throughout  to  investigate  for  himself. 
This  exceedingly  scrupulous  care,  which,  moreover,  you 
cannot  hope  for  in  English  and  French  writers,  is  your 
great  merit, — all  the  more  since  you,  so  far  as  possible, 
consulted  contemporary  writings.  In  this  way,  there 
fore,  while  you  have  performed  the  duties  of  the 
historian  with  respect  to  facts,  you  have  not  failed  in 
those  of  the  historiographer.  The  treatment  is  entirely 
worthy  of  the  subject.  Your  work  is  no  mere  compila 
tion;  it  is  written  with  the  warmth  and  enthusiasm  the 
writer  feels  in  his  subject,  so  natural  in  writing  the 
history  of  one's  own  country.  This  is  the  true  inspira- 


210  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

tion  of  the  historian,  so  very  different  from  that  of  the 
poet. 

"I  entirely  approve  your  having  made  this  first  part 
so  thoroughly  complete.  Your  theme  is  to  show  how 
America  has  become  what  it  is;  and  to  that  end,  this 
detailed  exposition  of  the  sources,  by  showing  the  re 
search  necessary  to  produce  them,  gives  this  first  volume 
the  best  guarantee  of  your  industry  and  exact  scholarship. 

"  Continue,  therefore,  my  worthy  friend,  on  the  road 
you  have  set  out  upon.  It  will  lead  you  to  an  honourable 
goal.  May  Heaven  only  give  you  health  and  strength 
to  reach  it.  That  is  all  that  you  need. 

"You  have  more  than  once  remembered  me  in 
your  foot-notes.  It  is  one  of  the  pleasantest  thoughts 
for  me, — and  I  hope  no  presumption, — that  I  have 
helped  somewhat  in  the  training  of  the  historian  of 
the  United  States.  What  higher  reward  could  a  teacher 
wish?  .  .  ." 

Within  Bancroft's  immediate  circle  there  was  one,  his 
brother-in-law,  "Honest  John"  Davis,  Governor  and 
Senator  from  Massachusetts,  who  did  not  hesitate  to 
warn  the  historian  of  the  dangers  before  him.  The 
following  passage  from  a  letter  sounded  so  true  a  note 
that  it  should  not  be  lost: 

From  JOHN  DAVIS  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"WORCESTER,  April  2,  1835. 

"...  I  rejoice  most  sincerely  in  the  reception  your 
volume  has  met  with.  I  would  rather  rest  my  reputa- 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  211 

tion  upon  it  with  posterity  than  upon  all  the  art  of 
Jackson  and  Van  together,  but  let  me  entreat  you  not 
to  let  the  partisan  creep  into  the  work.  Do  not  imbue 
it  with  any  present  feeling  or  sentiment  of  the  moment 
which  may  give  impulse  to  your  mind.  Remember 
that  your  favourite  Roger  lived  to  repent  of  his  false 
opinions,  and  so  do  all  frank  sagacious  minds.  If  you 
will  give  me  leave  I  will  say  that  you  have  put  down 
your  doctrine  of  suffrage  as  broad  as  it  will  bear.  The 
right  of  suffrage  and  its  qualifications  involves  consider 
ations  of  a  very  grave  character,  not  only  grave  but 
momentous.  How  would  such  an  extended  right  as 
ours  work  in  Ireland,  England  or  France  ?  In  many  of 
the  states  they  hold  to  the  freehold  qualification  and  it 
remains  to  be  determined  who  is  wisest.  But  I  do  not 
mean  to  go  into  an  examination  of  the  question.  The 
historian  is  the  recorder  of  truth  and  not  of  his  own 
abstract  opinions.  The  sagacious  historian  sees  and 
delineates  the  effects  that  spring  from  causes,  and 
beyond  this  he  can  scarcely  tread  with  safety,  for  he 
then  becomes  a  mere  reasoner  instead  of  a  recorder, 
and  his  opinions  will  stand  or  fall  like  those  of  other 
men,  but  his  record  if  true  will  abide. 

"You  have  great  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  your 
success,  and  fidelity  coupled  with  perseverance  will  I 
trust  complete  a  work  that  will  maintain  its  place  beside 
the  best  histories  that  stand  upon  our  shelves.  ..." 

Davis,  at  the  time  of  writing  this  letter,  was  fresh  in 
the  Governorship  to  which  the  Whig  triumph  of  the 
previous  November  had  elected  him.  The  neighbour- 


^212  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

ing  Democratic  governor,  Marcy  of  New  York,  coiner 
of  the  long-current  phrase  uniting  the  victor  and  the 
spoils,  naturally  saw  Bancroft's  first  volume  with  differ 
ent  eyes.  On  September  24,  1835,  he  wrote  from 
Albany:  "We  all  feel  a  deep  interest  in  your  historical 
labours.  It  is  exceedingly  important  that  the  history 
of  our  country  be  written  by  a  man  thoroughly  imbued 
with  the  democratic  principles  of  our  government,  and 
it  is  not  to  be  disguised  that  almost  all  our  scholars 
competent  to  such  an  enterprise  have  a  penchant 
towards  the  aristocracy." 

The  impression  that  Bancroft,  during  the  lifetime  of  his 
first  wife,  refrained,  out  of  deference  to  her  feelings,  from 
official  participation  in  Democratic  politics,1  must  be 
modified  by  the  records  of  the  year  1834.  The  Boston 
Semi- Weekly  Courier,  for  November  17,  1834,  con 
tains  the  following  self-explanatory  paragraph: 

"  Mr.  George  Bancroft  was  a  candidate  for  representa 
tive  to  the  General  Court  from  Northampton,  and 
received  167  votes.  The  lowest  number  of  votes  given 
to  a  Whig  candidate  was  312.  We  rejoice  that  Mr. 
Bancroft  was  defeated,  though  we  are  sorry  that  he  is 
obliged  to  suffer  the  mortification  that  follows  it.  We 
hope  that  he  has  learned  a  useful  and  salutary  lesson; 
and  that  he  will  return  from  the  wilderness  of  politics 
into  which  he  plunged  so  inconsiderately,  to  the  more 
attractive  garden  of  literature — a  field  which  he  can 
cultivate,  enrich  and  adorn — imparting  profit  and 
pleasure  to  his  country,  and  reaping  honour  to  himself. 
We  advise  him — no — advice  he  would  think  imperti- 
1  See  p.  188. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND   HISTORY  213 

nent, — we  hope,  and  entreat,  in  the  spirit  of  friendship, 
that  he  will  write  no  more  letters  to  the  Workingmen,  nor 
to  any  political  cabal ;  at  least  not  till  he  shall  have  com 
pleted  his  History  of  the  United  States.  That,  if  finished 
as  begun,  will  be  a  testimonial  of  his  talent  and  fame, 
more  enduring  and  more  grateful  to  his  descendants, 
than  all  the  honours  he  can  ever  acquire  as  a  politician." 
The  animus  of  partisanship  betrays  itself  here,  though 
by  no  means  so  frankly  as  in  the  following  two-sided 
paragraph  from  the  Boston  Post  of  November  7,  1834, 
three  days  before  the  election : 

"Workingmen  of  Boston! — Hear  what  the  self-styled 
'Good  society'  say  of  you — will  you  sustain  those  who 
are  continually  libelling  your  character,  and  heaping 
upon  you  the  vilest  abuse  ? 

"From  the  Boston  Atlas: 

"'The  "Workingmen,"  as  they  style  themselves, 
better  known,  however  in  that  city,  as  the  ''idle  men," 
who  adjourn  from  the  halls  of  infidelity  and  atheism; 
from  the  dram  shops  and  the  dram  cellars,  to  their 
various  places  of  meeting,  to  devise  some  scheme  by 
which  they  may  live  on  the  earnings  of  the  industrious 
men — are  loud  in  the  praise  of  thir  new  leader  and  co- 
worker,  Mr.  Bancroft.'" 

The  failure  of  Bancroft's  candidacy  and  the  im 
mediate  hostilities  to  which  it  gave  rise  are  of  less  conse 
quence  in  a  general  view  of  his  life  than  the  statement 
of  political  beliefs  which  he  made  to  an  inquiring  com 
mittee  of  Northampton  citizens.  Here  he  expressed 


214  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

his  opposition  to  the  United  States  Bank,  his  sympathy 
with  the  labouring  man  of  every  variety,  his  wish  to  place 
the  sceptre  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  his  belief  in  free 
labour  and  the  restriction  of  slavery,  his  feeling  that  the 
cause  of  Democracy  and  of  practical  Christianity  were 
identical,  and  many  other  sentiments  characteristic 
both  of  his  party  and  of  himself.  When  the  election  was 
over  he  wrote  to  Edward  Everett  (November  17,  1834) : 
"It  will  be  some  years  before  a  popular  party  can  become 
powerful  in  this  state.  But  it  will  rise,  and  within  six 
years  it  will  culminate.  Webster  will  run  for  Presidency, 
and  will  get  at  most  24  votes.  Van  Buren  will  come  in; 
and  Massachusetts  will  come  over  to  his  support." 
This  did  not  happen;  but  within  two  years  Van  Buren 
was  elected  to  the  presidency,  and  the  fourteen  electoral 
votes  of  Massachusetts  were  the  only  ones  cast  for 
Webster. 

Bancroft's  defeat  at  the  local  polls  by  no  means 
chilled  his  political  ardour.  The  correspondence  from 
this  time  forth  reveals  him  as  an  important  factor  in 
Democratic  party  councils.  His  political  views  upon 
matters  great  and  small  were  sought  by  such  men  as 
Marcus  Morton  in  Massachusetts,  Levi  Woodbury  in 
New  Hampshire  and  W.  L.  Marcy  in  New  York. 
Indeed  it  is  easy  to  see  how  valuable  Bancroft's  party 
services  must  have  been  in  formulating  the  party 
beliefs.1  For  public  or  private  service  his  practised  pen 

1  "This  [the  Democratic  party  of  Massachusetts]  was  hardly 
more  than  a  coterie  of  a  few  people  of  whom  it  was  said  truly 
enough  that  they  kept  the  party  conveniently  small  so  that  there 
might  be  enough  Federal  offices  to  go  around.  It  was  very 
convenient  for  them  to  have  a  scholar  and  enthusiast — a  real 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND   HISTORY  215 

was  always  ready.  He  was  not  too  busy  to  provide  the 
democratic  citizens  of  Fayetteville,  Vermont,  who  in 
vited  him  in  1835  to  take  part  in  their  Independence 
Day  celebration,  with  an  historic  justification  of 
Democracy  in  New  England.  By  way  of  postscript  he 
added :  "  Allow  me  to  offer  you  the  following  sentiment. 
'Democracy.  Its  object  is  the  happiness  of  the  people; 
its  strength  is  the  intelligence  of  the  people;  may  its 
permanent  triumph  aid  the  work  of  reform  throughout 
the  world/"  He  produced  the  address  to  the  Demo 
cratic  electors  before  the  state  election  of  1835.  As  the 
fame  of  his  book  increased,  lyceums,  institutes,  col 
leges  and  organizations  of  many  kinds  appealed  to  him 
for  political  and  literary  lectures.  On  July  4,  1836,  he 
delivered  an  oration  before  the  Democracy  of  Spring 
field  and  neighbouring  towns.  A  passage  from  this 
oration  well  illustrates  his  habit  of  both  political  think 
ing  and  writing: 

"...  To  the  tory,  law  is  an  expression  of  absolute 
will;  to  the  whig,  it  is  the  protection  of  privilege;  to 
democracy,  it  is  a  declaration  of  right.  In  the  tory 
system,  the  executive  and  sovereign  are  one;  in  the 
whig  system,  the  executive  is  the  sovereign,  except 
where  expressly  limited;  in  the  system  of  democracy, 
the  executive  is  not  the  sovereign,  but  the  servant,  of  the 

Democrat  who  could  "say  the  things'  for  them.  Of  course  the 
old  Federalists  were  disgusted  with  this,  and  poor  Bancroft  had 
to  share  their  disapprobations.  But  he  made  the  Fourth-of-July 
orations  cheerfully,  and  so  in  course«of  time  was  made  collector  of 
customs  and  .  .  .  secretary  of  the  navy." — From  letter  of  Rev. 
Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  to  the  author,  Jan.  20,  1906. 


216  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

people.  The  tory  clings  to  past  abuses;  the  whig 
idolizes  present  possessions;  democracy  is  the  party 
of  progress  and  reform.  The  tory,  blaspheming  God, 
pleads  the  will  of  heaven  as  a  sanction  for  a  government 
of  force;  the  whig,  forgetting  that  God  is  not  the  God 
of  the  dead,  appeals  to  prescription;  democracy  lives 
in  the  consciences  of  the  living.  The  tory  demands  an 
exclusive  established  church;  the  whig  tolerates  dissent 
on  conditions;  democracy  enfranchises  the  human 
mind.  The  tory  idolizes  power;  the  whig  worships  his 
interests;  democracy  struggles  for  equal  rights.  The 
tory  pleads  for  absolute  monarchy;  the  whig  for  a 
wealthy  aristocracy;  democracy  for  the  power  of  the 
people.  The  tory  regards  liberty  as  a  boon;  the  whig 
as  a  fortunate  privilege;  democracy  claims  freedom  as 
an  inalienable  right.  The  tory  loves  to  see  a  slave  at 
the  plough;  the  whig  prefers  a  tenant  or  a  mortgaged 
farm;  democracy  puts  the  plough  in  the  hands  of  the 
owner.  The  tory  tolerates  no  elective  franchise;  the 
whig  gives  a  vote  to  none  but  men  of  property;  democ 
racy  respects  humanity,  and  struggles  for  universal 
education  and  universal  suffrage.  The  tory  bids  the 
suffering  poor  gather  the  crumbs  that  fall  from  his 
table;  the  whig  says,  'Be  ye  clothed,  be  ye  fed/  but 
allows  no  obligation;  democracy  holds  it  a  duty 
to  soothe  the  mourner,  and  to  redeem  the  wretched. 
The  tory  looks  out  for  himself;  the  whig  for  his  clan; 
demoracy  takes  thought  for  the  many.  The  tory  ad 
heres  to  the  party  of  Moloch;  the  whig  still  worships 
at  the  shrine  of  Mammon;  democracy  is  practical 
Christianity." 


1831-1845]   POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  217 

A  note  at  the  end  of  the  Springfield  oration  records  a 
visit  which  Bancroft  paid  to  Madison  at  Montpelierfor 
a  few  days  in  March  and  April  of  1836.  He  maintains 
"that  Mr.  Madison  was  in  the  last  days  of  his  life  with 
the  democracy  of  the  country,  as  much  as  he  was  from 
1795  to  the  close  of  the  war.  .  .  .  Mr.  Madison  was 
alike  opposed  to  the  Whigs  of  the  South  and  to  the 
Whigs  of  the  North;  not  to  them  personally,  but  to  their 
doctrines;  and  his  preference  for  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
whom  he  personally  esteemed  most  highly,  was  the 
result,  not  of  that  personal  esteem,  but  of  love  to  the 
Union.  The  party  that  rallies  round  Mr.  Van  Buren 
was  to  Mr.  Madison  THE  PARTY  OF  UNION.  "  In  this 
note  also  Bancroft  has  a  word  to  say  about  his  enemies, 
the  Boston  Whigs :  "  The  attitude  of  the  city  of  Boston 
has  kept  Massachusetts  in  an  unrelenting  opposition 
to  every  democratic  administration  of  the  country. 
It  was  said  of  the  English  nobility  with  regard  to  a  man 
of  genius,  'They  helped  to  bury,  whom  they  helped 
to  starve.7  It  is  a  fact,  which  the  yeomanry  of  Massa 
chusetts  ought  duly  to  consider,  that  the  whigs  of  that 
same  city  of  Boston  have  been  the  loudest  in  their 
eulogies  of  the  democratic  presidents,  after  they  were 
dead.  ...  It  is  a  miserable  policy  to  reserve  affection 
for  the  grave." 

This  Springfield  oration  attracted  wide  attention,  and 
brought  forth  many  favourable  expressions  from  those 
who  shared  the  views  of  Bancroft.  That  he  had  won 
his  way  to  more  than  local  consideration,  the  following 
extract  from  a  letter  from  Governor  Marcy,  dated 
Albany,  September  20,  1836,  clearly  indicates:  "On 


218  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

my  return  from  the  west  I  stayed  one  day  at  the  Springs. 
In  the  evening  I  called  on  Mr.  V.  Buren  and  found  him 
reading  parts  of  your  oration  to  some  Southern  gentle 
men  accompanied  with  such  remarks  as  would  have 
flattered  you  if  you  are  a  man  capable  of  being  flattered." 
One  of  his  mother's  refreshing,  unstudied  letters  (Feb 
ruary  12,  1836)  gives  another  report  of  Van  Buren's 
good  opinion:  "I  am  told  by  Mr.  Randal  who  has 
recently  visited  Washington]  that  Van  Burin  pro 
nounces  you  the  first  in  Litterary  improvements,  and 
Eliza1  the  most  intelectual  Lady  in  Washington.  I 
laughed  to  your  father,  and  said  I  always  thot  my 
children  were  wonders.  Eliza  tells  us  Van  Burin  says 
you  are  the  first  in  Mass." 

A  further  evidence  of  Marcy's  opinion  of  Bancroft's 
abilities,  and  at  the  same  time  of  his  willingness  to 
employ  them,  crops  out  in  a  letter  from  Marcy  (Octo 
ber  31,  1837),  about  a  Thanksgiving  proclamation 
which  Bancroft  wrote  for  him.  "  I  did  not  decline  to 
adopt  yours  in  toto"  said  Marcy,  "because  I  imagined 
for  a  moment  that  I  could  make  a  better  one;  but  it 
was  so  unlike  anything  which  our  community  have 
been  used  to  that  I  at  first  hesitated  and  then  decided 
against  adopting  it."  The  circumstance  is  mentioned 
here  partly  for  its  foreshowing  of  a  similar  yet  more 
important  transaction  with  Andrew  Johnson,  of  which 
due  notice  will  be  taken. 

Bancroft's  sister  Lucretia,  a  sprightly  correspondent, 
who  in  1834  reported  a  man's  asking  whether  her  brother 
was  not  crazy  since  he  told  the  truth  in  history,  wrote 

1  Bancroft's  sister,  Mrs.  John  Davis. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  219 

from  the  South  in  1836  in  a  vein  of  "home  truth"  with 
which  his  divergences  from  the  views  of  his  kindred 
must  have  made  him  tolerably  familiar: 

From  Miss  LUCRETIA  BANCROFT  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"CLINTON,  La.,  December  21,  1836. 

"...  You  are  now  fairly  plunged  into  the  waters  of 
political  strife,  for  having  once  been  rejected  by  the 
people,  you  will  not  give  up  till  you  have  made  them 
acknowledge  their  error.  But  entre  nous,  don't  you 
wish  you  had  stuck  to  your  trade  of  making  books  and 
been  content  with  the  lasting  glory  thus  gained  ?  Would 
not  your  chance  for  immortality  have  been  greater  as 
the  author  of  the  History  of  the  United  States  than  as  a 
speech-maker  in  Congress  ? 

"I  have  seen  some  of  the  pretty  speeches  made  on 
you  in  the  course  of  the  last  contest  and  think  you  must 
be  cased  in  armor  of  proof,  if  they  have  found  no  part 
thro'  which  to  reach  you.  What  say  you  to  the  charge 
of  writing  the  Resolution  wherein  you  are  offered  to 
the  public  as  a  fit  Representative  of  its  interests,  or 
of  addressing  a  letter  to  yourself,  in  the  name  of 

H ?  There  is  but  one  thing  which  prevents  me 

from  siding  with  you  in  politics,  and  that  is  the 
companions  you  are  compelled  to  be  mixed  with. 
Now,  George,  where  will  you  find  a  man,  more  de 
spised  by  the  respectable  part  of  the  community  than 
this  same  H ?  .  .  ." 

To  offset  what  was  disagreeable  in  Bancroft's  public 


220  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

relations  at  this  time,  there  must  have  been  much  that 
was  satisfying  in  his  domestic  life.  The  writing  of  the 
second  volume  of  his  history  filled  much  of  his  time. 
To  Everett,  at  the  end  of  1834,  he  wrote:  "My  em 
ployment,  morning  and  evening,  is  in  preparing  the 
second  volume.  The  topics  are  various,  grand  in  their 
character  and  capable  of  being  arranged  in  an  interesting 
narrative."  Early  in  1835  he  wrote  to  the  same  corre 
spondent:  "I  jog  on  in  my  second  volume,  adding  a 
little  every  day.  The  subject  is  immense;  but  if  I 
have  health  I  hope  to  compass  it."  A  charming 
glimpse  of  his  life  at  Northampton  in  this  same  year  of 
1835  is  found  in  Harriet  Martineau's  Retrospect  of 
Western  Travel  :* 

"We  had  letters  of  introduction  to  some  of  the  in 
habitants  of  Northampton,  and  knew  that  our  arrival 
was  expected;  but  we  little  anticipated  such  eagerness 
of  hospitality  as  we  were  met  with.  The  stage  was 
stopped  by  a  gentleman  who  asked  for  me.  It  was  Mr. 
Bancroft,  the  historian,  then  a  resident  of  Northampton. 
He  cordially  welcomed  us  as  his  guests,  and  ordered  the 
stage  up  the  hill  to  his  house;  such  a  house!  It  stood 
on  a  lofty  terrace,  and  its  balcony  overlooked  first  the 
garden,  then  the  orchard  stretching  down  the  slope, 
then  the  delicious  village,  and  the  river  with  its  meadows, 
while  opposite  rose  Mount  Holyoke.  Far  off  in  the 
valley  to  the  left  lay  Hadley,  half  hidden  among  trees; 
and  on  the  hills,  still  farther  to  the  left,  was  Amherst, 
with  its  college  buildings  conspicuous  on  the  height. 

1  Vol.  II,  p.  83. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  221 

"  All  was  in  readiness  for  us,  the  spacious  rooms  with 
their  cool  arrangements  (it  was  the  7th  of  August),  and 
the  ladies  of  the  family  with  their  ready  merry  welcome. 
It  was  past  noon  when  we  arrived,  and  before  the  early 
dinner  hour  we  were  as  much  at  home  as  if  we  had 
been  acquainted  for  months.  The  American  mirth, 
common  everywhere,  was  particularly  hearty  in  this 
house;  and  as  for  us,  we  were  intoxicated  with  the 
beauty  of  the  scene.  From  the  balcony  we  gazed  as 
if  it  was  presently  to  melt  before  our  eyes.  This  day, 
I  remember,  we  first  tasted  green  corn,  one  of  the  most 
delicious  of  vegetables,  and  by  some  preferred  to  green 
peas.  The  greatest  drawback  is  the  way  in  which  it  is 
necessary  to  eat  it.  The  cob,  eight  or  ten  inches  long, 
is  held  at  both  ends,  and,  having  been  previously 
sprinkled  with  salt,  is  nibbled  and  sucked  from  end  to 
end  till  all  the  grains  are  got  out.  It  looks  awkward 
enough:  but  what  is  to  be  done  ?  Surrendering  such  a 
vegetable  from  considerations  of  grace  is  not  to  be 
thought  of. 

"After  dinner  we  walked  in  the  blooming  garden  till 
summoned  within  doors  by  callers.  My  host  had  al 
ready  discovered  my  taste  for  rambling,  and  determined 
to  make  me  happy  during  my  short  visit  by  driving  me 
about  the  country.  He  liked  nothing  better  himself. 
His  historical  researches  had  stored  his  memory  with 
all  the  traditions  of  the  valley,  of  the  state,  and,  I  rather 
think,  of  the  whole  of  New-England.  I  find  the  entries 
in  my  journal  of  this  and  the  next  two  days  the  most 
copious  of  any  during  my  travels. 

"Mr.  Bancroft  drove  me  to  Amherst  this  afternoon. 


222  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

He  explained  to  me  the  construction  of  the  bridge  we 
passed,  which  is  of  a  remarkably  cheap,  simple,  and  safe 
kind  for  a  wooden  one.  He  pointed  out  to  me  the  seats 
and  arrangements  of  the  villages  we  passed  through,  and 
amused  and  interested  me  with  many  a  tale  of  the  old 
Indian  wars.  He  surprised  me  by  the  light  he  threw 
on  the  philosophy  of  society  in  the  United  States;  a 
light  drawn  from  history,  and  shed  into  all  the  present 
relations  of  races  and  parties  to  each  other.  I  had 
before  been  pleased  with  what  I  knew  of  the  spirit  of 
Mr.  Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States,  which, 
however,  had  not  then  extended  beyond  the  first  volume. 
I  now  perceived  that  he  was  well  qualified,  in  more 
ways  than  one,  for  his  arduous  task. " 

Further  topics  for  Miss  Martineau's  lively  pen  were 
a  drive  to  Mt.  Holyoke  and  Sugar  Loaf,  the  gay  parties 
on  the  three  evenings  of  her  visit,  and  the  relations  be 
tween  the  Calvinists  and  the  Unitarians  of  Northamp 
ton. 

It  was  in  1835  that  Bancroft  moved  with  his  family  to 
Springfield.  One  letter  written  while  he  lived  there 
should  be  given  as  an  early  token  of  a  long-enduring 
friendship : 

To  R.  W.  EMERSON. 

"SPRINGFIELD,  February  29,  1836. 

"I  am  very  much  your  debtor  for  your  kindness  in 
sending  me  the  quaint  and  original  work  of  Mr.  Car- 
lyle.  Should  he  visit  the  country,  I  shall  desire  the 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  223 

opportunity  of  his  acquaintance,  and  if  within  reach  of 
his  voice,  shall  gladly  become  one  of  his  hearers. 

"I  am  still  more  obliged  to  you  for  your  most  inter 
esting  and  appropriate  Historical  Discourses.  I  cannot 
easily  tell  you,  what  pleasure  I  have  had  in  its  careful 
perusal.  In  writing  a  second  edition  of  my  first  volume, 
I  have  taken  care  to  insert  a  paragraph  on  the  planting 
of  Concord.  You  will  see,  that  it  is  your  Discourse 
which  has  suggested  it. 

"You  do  me  great  honour  by  your  kind  judgment  of 
my  labour.  I  have  toiled  day  and  night  to  get  a  second 
volume  ready.  But  it  is  no  easy  matter  to  grasp  so  vast 
a  subject  firmly  enough,  to  arrange  the  topics  rightly.  I 
trust  the  second  volume  will  win  your  suffrage.  In  it 
I  have  gone  largely  into  the  spirit  of  Quakerism;  and 
have  had  occasion  to  contrast  George  Fox  and  William 
Penn  with  John  Locke.  The  view,  I  have  taken,  from 
what  I  know  of  your  modes  of  thought,  will  not  be  new 
or  disagreeable  to  you;  the  public  at  large  may  start 
at  the  truth.  But  what  could  I  do?  If  Locke  did 
actually  embody  his  philosophy,  political  and  moral,  in 
our  American  Constitution,  why  not  say  so  in  all  sim 
plicity?  And  if  the  Quakers  were  wiser  than  he,  why 
not  say  that  too  ?  Do  you  remember  Locke's  chapter 
on  enthusiasm?  Pennsylvania  is  the  practical  refuta 
tion  of  his  argument. " 

On  June  26,  1837,  Mrs.  Bancroft  died,  leaving  three 
young  children,  Louisa  D wight,  born  1833;  John 
Chandler,  born  1835,  and  George,  born  1837.  The 
Dwight  family  and  Bancroft's  own  sisters  stood  ready 


224  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

to  help  him  in  every  way,  and  even  after  he  became  part 
of  an  ample  establishment  in  Boston,  rendered  him 
frequent  assistance  in  caring  for  his  children.  Bancroft's 
second  marriage,  to  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Davis)  Bliss,  widow 
of  Alexander  Bliss  of  Boston,  once  a  junior  partner  of 
Daniel  Webster,  took  place  August  16,  1838.  Mrs. 
Bliss,  with  her  mother,  her  brothers,  and  her  own  two 
boys,  had  been  living  in  a  pleasant  house  in  Winthrop 
Place,  Boston,  and  in  this  house  Bancroft  lived  through 
the  seven  years  he  was  to  spend  in  that  city. 

The  event  which  brought  him  to  Boston  was  his  ap 
pointment  as  Collector  of  the  Port.  In  the  official 
letter,  December  30,  1837,  announcing  President  Van 
Buren's  selection  of  Bancroft,  Levi  Woodbury  described 
it  as  resulting  "not  only  from  a  high  estimation  of 
your  principles,  your  talents  and  acquirements,  but 
from  a  conviction  of  its  tendency  to  ensure  harmony 
and  advance  the  public  interests  within  the  state  of 
Massachusetts."  What  it  did  from  the  party  point  of 
view  was  of  course  to  place  Bancroft  in  a  position  of  com 
manding  influence  with  his  fellow  Democrats,  and  of  a 
prominence  which  rendered  him  more  than  ever  assail 
able  by  the  W7higs.  For  business  matters,  however, 
Bancroft  seems  always  to  have  had  a  marked  aptitude, 
and  Professor  Sloane  has  spoken  as  follows  of  his  con 
duct  of  the  collector's  office:  "When  he  entered  upon 
his  duties  as  collector,  the  law  exacted  from  importers 
in  payment  of  duties  not  cash,  but  bonds  payable  on 
time.  A  very  large  part  of  the  whole  revenue  of  the 
country  was  then  levied  in  the  port  of  Boston,  and  the 
amount  of  bonds  received  from  the  importing  merchants 


1831-1845]   POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  225 

during  Bancroft's  period  of  office  reached  to  very  many 
millions.  All  his  predecessors,  without  exception,  had 
left  behind  them  uncollected  bonds  representing  large 
sums,  which  have  not  been  collected  to  this  day.  Of 
all  those  taken  in  the  period  of  his  service,  not  one  that 
became  due  was  left  unsettled,  or  in  arrears,  when  he 
retired  from  the  office."1  Perhaps  especially  on  senti 
mental  grounds,  it  is  pleasant  to  know  also  that  he  gave 
good  appointments  in  the  Custom  House  to  Hawthorne2 
and  Orestes  Brownson. 

Just  before  the  middle  of  1837  the  first  Mrs.  Bancroft 
had  died;  just  before  its  end  came  the  news  of  the  ap 
pointment  to  the  Custom  House.  The  third  important 
event  of  the  year  for  Bancroft  was  the  publication  of  the 
second  volume  of  his  history.  Whether  the  following 
letter  refers  only  to  the  first  or  to  both  the  first  and  the 
second  volumes,  it  is  applicable  to  much  of  Bancroft's 
earlier  writing;  and,  in  lieu  of  more  detailed  criticism 
at  this  point,  it  may  well  be  cited: 

From  THOMAS  CARLYLE  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"5,  CHEYNE  Row,  CHELSEA, 

"LONDON,  \Wi  June,  1838. 

"  Allow  me  to  thank  you  in  words,  as  in  silence  I  very 
sincerely  do,  for  the  gift  you  have  sent  me,  and  the  kind 
sentiments  accompanying  it.  The  Message,  in  all  its 

1  Century  Magazine,  January,  1887. 

2  For  a  report  of  Bancroft's  own  account  of  this  appointment, 
see  Fifty  Years  among  Authors,  Books  and  Publishers.    By  J.  C. 
Derby,     pp.  326-327. 


226  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

items,  Emerson's  and  yours,  arrived  safely  here  some 
three  weeks  ago.  I  have  read  your  Book  with  attention, 
I  may  say,  with  interest  and  profit,  as  an  earnest  faithful 
Book  on  a  subject  about  which  I  had  much  curiosity 
and  but  little  knowledge.  You  are  bound  to  persist; 
and  bring  the  business  down,  to  the  exit  of  Washington, 
at  any  rate. 

"My  praises  of  your  Book  might  honestly  be  mani 
fold.  I  do  find  several  things  delineated  and  visibly 
set  before  me  in  form  and  colour:  glimpses  of  the  old 
primeval  Forest,  in  its  hot  dark  strength  and  tangled 
savagery  and  putrescence;  Virginia  Planters  with  their 
tobacco-pouches,  galloping  amid  the  'buckskin  kye' 
(as  our  Burns  has  it)  in  the  glades  of  the  wild  wood; 
Puritans,  stern  of  visage,  warm  and  sound  of  heart, 
—all  this  and  much  of  the  like  is  ocularly  there.  I 
reckon  it  a  high  praise  to  say  that  you  have  more 
than  once,  in  such  passages,  reminded  me  of  Miil- 
ler's  Schweizerische  Eidgenossenschajt,  one  of  our 
bravest  Books,  which  at  the  same  time  you  probably 
never  read. 

"And  then  as  to  my  censures,  for  there  are  censures 
everywhere,  and  all  things  have  light  and  shadow, — I 
should  say  that  your  didactic  theoretic  matter  gratified 
me  generally  much  less;  that,  in  a  word,  you  were  too 
didactic,  went  too  much  into  the  origins  of  things  gen 
erally  known,  into  the  praise  of  things  only  partially 
praisable,  only  slightly  important:  on  the  whole,  that 
here  is  a  man  who  has  an  eye,  and  that  he  ought  to 
fling  down  his  spectacles  and  look  with  that! — Forgive 
my  plainness  of  speech;  did  I  think  less  of  you  than  I 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  227 

do,  I  had  omitted  this  shady  side  of  the  business,  and 
left  only  the  light. 

"But  in  any  case,  many  thanks,  my  dear  Sir;  and 
right  good  speed  in  your  work,  and  in  all  works  you  so 
faithfully  lay  your  strength  to.  I  beg  a  continuance  of 
your  good- will;  and  am  always 

"Very  sincerely  yours 

"T.  Carlyle." 

During  the  first  year  of  Bancroft's  residence  in  Boston 
occurred  an  episode  of  which  the  newspapers  made 
much  at  the  time.  It  wT>uld  not  be  worth  recalling  now, 
but  for  its  indication  that  Bancroft  had  not  yet  outgrown 
the  "two  grand  mistakes"  which  Sparks  twelve  years 
before  had  frankly  pointed  out  to  him.1  Again  the 
trouble  was  with  an  editor  of  the  North  American 
Review.2  To  the  April  number  of  the  Review  Bancroft 
contributed  an  article  on  American  historians.  His 
first  grievance  with  the  editor,  Dr.  Palfrey,  was  that, 
when  he  came  to  read  the  proofs,  he  found  a  flattering 
and,  as  Dr.  Palfrey  had  thought,  a  superfluous,  allusion 
to  Andrew  Jackson  removed.  He  immediately  de 
manded  its  restoration — or  the  withdrawal  of  the  entire 
article.  Dr.  Palfrey  ordered  the  eleven  fateful  words 
restored,  "if  it  were  not  too  late.  It  proved  on  enquiry, 
that  the  edition  was  already  about  half  printed,  without 
the  clause.  It  was  of  course  restored  in  the  residue, 
and  the  curious  collectors  of  erudite  trifles  at  a  future 

1  See  p.  181,  footnote. 

2  It  is  here  summarised  from  published  and  unpublished  letters 
and  from  Boston  newspapers  of  April,  1838. 


228  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

day  may  be  at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  discrepancy  be 
tween  different  copies  of  the  same  article/'1  But  this 
was  by  no  means  the  worst.  When  the  article  appeared 
Bancroft  was  outraged  at  finding  interpolated,  without 
his  knowledge,  a  brief  commendation  of  his  own  history. 
As  the  authorship  of  the  articles  in  the  Review,  though 
unsigned,  was  an  open  secret,  he  felt  that  he  would  be 
universally  charged  with  praising  his  own  work,  and 
deeply  resented  Dr.  Palfrey's  course.  His  friends,  es 
pecially  Prescott  and  Sparks,  tried  to  make  him  see 
that  the  matter  should  not  be  taken  too  seriously. 
Pleading,  with  natural  fellow-feeling,  for  the  editor, 
Sparks  wrote  (April  1,  1838):  "As  his  only  motive  was 
that  of  kindness  to  you,  I  think  you  should  not  view  it 
with  displeasure,  but  only  with  regret;  more  worthy  of 
complaint  than  censure.  .  .  .  Spare  the  editor  as  much 
as  you  can,  because  his  intentions  were  good,  as  all  the 
world  will  see,  even  while  they  marvel  at  his  manner  of 
testifying  them."  But  Bancroft  was  not  to  be  mollified. 
There  ensued  a  brief,  acrimonious  correspondence  with 
Palfrey,  who  brought  it  to  an  end  by  returning  one  of  the 
Bancroft  letters  unopened.  Whereupon  Bancroft,  in  an 
address  "To  the  Literary  Public,"  stated  his  case  and 
printed  the  correspondence  in  the  Boston  Post  of  April 
16,  1838.  He  certainly  achieved  his  purpose  of  letting 
the  public  know  that  he  had  not  been  guilty  of  self- 
praise,  but  with  much  more  ado  than  the  necessities 
of  the  case  could  really  have  demanded,  and  with  conse 
quences  of  ill-feeling  quite  out  of  proportion  with  Dr. 
Palfrey's  offence.  In  the  July  number  of  the  Review 
Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  April  27,  1838. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  229 

appeared  the  following  Note:  "A  passage  occurring  in 
the  review  of  American  Histories,  in  our  last  Number, 
bestows  commendation  on  a  work  by  the  author  of  this 
article.  He  wishes  to  have  it  stated  that  he  had  no 
agency  in  the  insertion  of  that  passage."  There  is 
every  reason  to  suppose  that  Dr.  Palfrey  would  have 
printed  such  a  note  as  this  under  far  less  vigorous 
compulsion. 

The  quality  of  Bancroft's  political  ardour  at  this  time 
is  illustrated  in  a  letter  to  John  Quincy  Adams  (March 
26,  1838),  urging  his  consideration  of  "supporting  the 
separation  of  the  Government  from  banks": 

"I  think  consistency  requires  it  of  you.  You  have, 
it  is  true,  always  supported  a  National  Bank;  but  never 
an  alliance  with  State  Banks.  Like  Chateaubriand  and 
Louis  Philippe,  you  have  ever  exposed  the  dangers  and 
resisted  the  establishment  of  the  pet  bank  system. 

"  Respect  for  the  memory  of  your  father  points  in 
the  same  direction.  It  was  Hamilton,  it  was  the  finan 
cial  aristocracy  of  that  day,  which  bore  down  your 
father.  That  aristocracy  is  essentially  unprincipled. 
It  has  no  fixed  opinions  of  a  moral  nature;  it  is  only 
blindly  adhesive  to  its  material  interests.  Respect  for 
your  own  fame  points  in  the  same  direction.  To  whom 
will  you  bequeath  the  care  of  your  memory?  To  the 
old  Federalists?  Their  hatred  is  irreconcilable.  To 
the  Whigs  ?  Their  deep  hostility  is  scarcely  disguised 
by  a  faint  hypocrisy.  Meantime  there  is  fast  rising  in 
New  England,  a  moral  Democracy,  in  harmony  with 
Christianity,  in  harmony  with  sound  philosophy,  in 


230  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1831-1845 

harmony  with  the  progress  of  civilisation.  Your  own 
noble  opinions,  expressed  to  me  frequently,  to  the 
public  so  admirably  and  powerfully  in  your  letters  to 
the  people  of  Massachusetts  after  your  defeat  by  the 
Whigs  in  the  canvass  for  Governor,  are  in  harmony 
with  this  Democracy;  with  these  young  men  who  are 
capable  of  admiring  genius  and  doing  homage  to  up 
rightness. 

"The  Whigs  have  ever  been  the  obstacle  in  your 
path.  By  calling  up  the  great  principles  of  moral 
honesty,  and  applying  these  to  the  present  struggle  of 
avarice  to  gain  dominion  in  the  country,  you  will  as  I 
believe,  produce  an  impression,  that  never  will  be  for 
gotten,  and  endear  yourself  to  the  hearts  of  many  young 
men,  who  will  never  shrink  from  your  defence. 

"As  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  was  the  consumma 
tion  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  so  your  defence  of  the 
separation  of  Bank  and  State  would  be  the  crowning 
glory  to  the  opposition,  which  your  family  has  mani 
fested  to  the  exclusive  dominion  of  wealth.  I  wish  to 
say  more:  I  almost  fear  I  have  said  too  much.  But 
as  I  have  on  all  occasions  defended  your  integrity  and 
have  avowed  myself  as  one  of  your  supporters  for  the 
Presidency,  I  believe  you  will  forgive  me.  .  .  ." 

As  a  federal  office-holder  Bancroft,  of  course,  had 
many  opportunities  to  express  his  partisan  zeal.  In 
February  of  1840,  for  example,  we  find  him  in  Hart 
ford,  addressing  the  Democratic  Convention  of  Young 
Men  of  Connecticut.  From  this  speech  one  sentence, 
embodying  a  characteristic  thought  of  Bancroft's,  must 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  231 

be  quoted:  "A  hearty  sympathy  with  popular  liberty 
is  the  sole  condition  on  which  an  American  scholar 
can  hope  for  enduring  fame."  The  seats  of  learning, 
he  was  fond  of  suggesting,  are  by  no  means  the  only 
repositories  of  wisdom.  The  Democratic  orators,  how 
ever,  must  have  found  some  of  their  favourite  weapons 
dulled  in  the  very  process  of  attack  upon  so  popular  a 
figure  as  General  Harrison.  For  this  was  the  year  of 
the  Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  campaign,  and  Ban 
croft,  besides  preparing  the  official  address  to  the 
Massachusetts  Democracy,  had  to  do  his  part  as  an 
active  campaigner,  against  Harrison,  for  Van  Buren. 
A  Fourth-of-July  celebration  in  1840  will  serve  as  a 
type  of  the  political  spectacle  at  which  the  historian  in 
office  was  expected  to  display  himself. 

The  little  Worcester  County  town  of  Barre  was  the 
scene  of  this  particular  spectacle.  The  precise  truth 
about  the  day's  performances  probably  lies  midway 
between  the  narratives  in  the  Whig  and  the  Demo 
cratic  papers  of  Boston.  Correspondents  both  of  the 
Post  (Democratic)  and  of  the  Atlas  (Whig)  wrote  full 
accounts  of  the  celebration.  By  combining  these  and 
duly  discounting  one  by  means  of  the  other,  certain 
facts  become  prominent.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Bancroft  found  as  his  rival  orator  of  the  day  Daniel 
Webster.  The  Whig  reporter  says  that  each  party 
claimed  the  honour  of  having  asked  its  orator  first. 
"Real  Facts,"  writing  for  the  Post,  declares  that  Ban 
croft  was  first  invited,  and  that  when  the  Whigs  heard 
of  it,  they  secured  the  "godlike  Webster" — "to  ex 
tinguish,  overshadow,  overwhelm,  annihilate  the  mortal 


232  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

George  Bancroft — a  mere  man  of  letters — a  close 
theorist,  at  the  best,  as  some  of  his  most  forbearing 
political  opponents,  in  excess  of  candour,  affect  to  speak 
of  him."  Certain  it  is  that  the  Whigs  brought  to 
gether  by  far  the  larger  assemblage.  Their  procession, 
headed  by  the  Fitzwilliam  Artillery  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  included,  by  friendly  count,  some  four  thousand 
persons,  representing  upward  of  thirty  towns.  "The 
poor  terror-stricken  Locos"  were  described  by  the 
Atlas  correspondent  as  "a  huddled  file  of  trembling 
partizans,"  precisely  six  hundred  in  number — "for  I 
counted  every  one,  boys  and  all,  twice  over."  The 
Whigs  were  gorgeous  with  Harrison  emblems  and 
banners;  the  Democrats  prided  themselves  on  a  sim 
plicity  above  such  trifles.  The  Whig  procession  started 
first  and  went  farthest.  While  it  was  marching  the 
Democrats  began  their  exercises  in  the  village  church. 
Bancroft  had  not  been  speaking  five  minutes,  according 
to  the  Post  reporter,  when  the  entire  Whig  procession 
marched  by  the  meeting-house,  with  such  a  din  and  a 
thrusting  of  banners  into  the  door  that  he  was  obliged 
to  interrupt  his  written  discourse,  and  take  to  extempore 
remarks  about  his  opponents.  The  Whig  version  of 
the  disturbance  of  the  Democratic  exercises  is  as  fol 
lows:  "But  the  Whigs  were  certainly  not  to  blame  for 
this.  They  did  not  know  where  the  Loco  Focos  were 
— or  what  they  were  about.  They  had  not  seen  them 
at  all;  and  it  is  possible  that  there  was  not  an  indi 
vidual  in  that  immense  body,  who  was  aware  that  they 
had  paraded  on  the  Green.  ...  If  the  shouts  and  music 
disturbed  Mr.  Bancroft,  it  was  his  own  fault;  he  ought 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  233 

to  have  had  more  sense  than  to  attempt  to  brave  the 
current  of  public  opinion  as  he  did." 

For  the  conduct  of  the  rival  feasts,  at  which  the 
Whigs  are  said  to  have  seated  about  three  thousand 
persons,  the  Democrats  only  six  or  seven  hundred,  and 
for  the  effect  of  the  rival  speeches,  the  following  portion 
of  a  letter  from  a  member  of  the  Democratic  com 
mittee  will  sufficiently  speak: 

From  A.  ALDEN  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"BARRE,  July  6,  1840. 

"...  From  all  I  can  hear  we  had  the  best — much 
the  best  celebration.  Mr.  Webster  did  not  meet  the 
expectations  of  his  friends,  hundreds  of  whom  went 
away  saying,  'We  have  heard  all  he  said  before.  We 
wanted  to  have  something  new.'  This,  added  to  the 
fact  that  they  did  not  have  half  enough  food  on  the 
tables,  has  made  many  long  faces.  On  the  other  hand 
there  is  not  one  of  our  men  who  is  not  in  perfect  extacy 
at  what  they  heard  from  your  lips.  Meeting  one  of 
our  farmers  on  the  evening  of  the  4th,  he  said  to  me, 
'I  have  not  shed  tears  before  to-day  for  many  years, 
but  I  could  not  help  crying,  I  felt  so  happy  when  Mr. 
Bancroft  was  speaking/  From  this  you  may  judge 
something  of  the  feeling  created  in  the  minds  of  your 
auditors. 

"A.  ALDEN." 

Declining  the  request  of  the  Barre  committee  for  a 
copy  of  his  address  for  publication,  and  rejoicing  in  the 


234  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

newly  adopted  Independent  Treasury  law  as  a  victory  for 
the  producing  classes,  Bancroft  wrote,  July  10,  1840: 

"...  Here  lies  the  reason  of  the  great  importance 
of  our  present  political  contests.  The  right  to  engage 
in  them  I  derive  from  the  Providence  of  God,  who 
gave  me  birth  in  this  land  of  freedom;  and  whose 
mercy  spares  to  me  life  and  the  exercise  of  its  powers. 
The  accident  of  being  employed  in  the  public  service 
can  neither  increase  nor  impair  the  rights  and  obliga 
tions  of  a  citizen  of  Massachusetts.  The  convictions 
from  which  I  act  seem  to  me  so  in  harmony  with  the 
whole  tendency  of  the  civilised  world,  that  they  may 
be  defended  without  passion  and  without  anxiety. 

"For  the  cordial  welcome  which  I  received  at  your 
hands  I  acknowledge  my  indebtedness.  In  the  con 
test  for  freedom,  there  may  be  momentary  reverses; 
but  the  issue  is  always  safe.  The  concourse  of  the 
Democratic  yeomanry  of  Barre  and  its  adjoining  towns 
on  the  4th  may  justly  diminish  anxiety  as  to  the  result 
of  the  coming  elections  in  our  own  commonwealth. 
That  the  policy  which  we  defined,  will  obtain  the  suf 
frage  of  the  nation  is  as  certain  as  that  the  moral  world 
is  subject  to  the  government  of  general  laws.  The 
progress  of  Democracy  is  like  the  irresistible  move 
ment  of  the  Mississippi  towards  the  sea;  there  are 
little  eddies  and  side  currents  which  seem  to  run  up 
hill;  but  the  onward  course  of  the  mighty  mass  of 
waters  is  as  certain  as  the  law  of  gravitation.  The 
Democratic  principle  is  the  true  American  principle; 
it  is  as  safe  as  our  independence." 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  235 

When  the  1840  elections,  state  and  national,  went 
against  Bancroft's  party,  his  friends  among  the  Boston 
Whigs  were  few.  Of  all  the  inner  circle  of  scholars 
and  writers  which  gave  Boston  its  glory  at  this  time, 
and  to  which  Bancroft  by  a  natural  right  of  association 
seemed  to  belong,  the  generous,  gentle  Prescott  was 
almost  alone  in  maintaining  a  friendship  that  was 
steadfast  and  intimate.  How  much  of  the  difficulty 
lay  in  the  mere  fact  of  Bancroft's  Democratic  sym 
pathies,  and  how  much  in  his  methods  of  manifesting 
them,  it  is  hard  to  say.  To  one  of  his  Whig  opponents, 
the  editor  of  the  Courier,  he  wrote  this  letter,  now 
reminding  us  that  politics  were  not  his  only  concern: 

To  JOSEPH  T.  BUCKINGHAM. 

"BOSTON,  November  20th,  1840. 

"I  send  you  to-day  the  volume  I  promised  you.  If 
you  examine  the  number  and  variety  of  topics  discussed, 
I  am  sure  you  will  see,  how  much  labor  the  book  has 
cost  me. 

"I  will  tell  you  my  motto,  which  I  hope  you,  who, 
for  a  whig,  are  a  pretty  tolerably  fair  judge,  will  think 
I  have  lived  up  to. 

Virtue  may  chuse  the  high  or  low  degree, 
'Tis  just  alike  to  Virtue,  and  to  me; 
Dwell  in  a  monk,  or  light  upon  a  king, 
She's  still  the  same  beloved,  contented  thing. 
And  think  not  party  spirit  rules  my  days; 
I  follow  Virtue;   where  she  shines  I  praise: 
Point  she  to  Priest  or  Elder,  Whig  or  Tory, 
Or  round  a  quaker's  beaver  cast  a  glory. 


236  GEORGE  BANCROFT  [1831-1845 

So  wishing  you  a  mind  at  ease,  good  digestion,  and  a 
comfortable  fat  office  under  the  triumphs  of  Harrison- 
ism,  and  the  resurrection  of  that  Phenix,  the  United 
States  Bank,  I  remain 

"best  of  Whig  editors 

"Yours  truly 

"G.  B." 

A  year  later,  November,  1841,  Bancroft  was  removed 
from  his  post  of  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Boston.  His 
wife  did  not  have  to  say  to  him,  as  Mrs.  Hawthorne 
said  eight  years  later  when  her  husband  lost  his  Sur- 
veyorship  at  Salem,  "Oh,  then,  you  can  write  your 
book."  Bancroft  was  always  writing  his  book.  Far 
and  near  he  was  seeking  for  fresh  material.  Agents  in 
London  and  Paris  were  copying  passages  from  the 
government  archives.  A  curious  trace  of  Bancroft's 
attention  to  details  is  found  in  a  letter  to  his  London 
correspondent,  sending  an  engraving  of  Franklin,  from 
which  he  wanted  a  frontispiece  for  his  third  volume 
produced.  "The  warts  on  Franklin's  face,"  he  wrote, 
"I  wish  omitted."  The  engraver,  however,  must  have 
had  in  him  something  which  would  have  responded  to 
Cromwell,  for  in  the  Bancroft  frontispiece  the  warts 
are  still  to  be  seen.  Nearer  home  Bancroft  was  in 
correspondence  with  such  native  scholars  as  School- 
craft,  without  whose  aid  such  a  chapter  as  the  twenty- 
second  in  volume  III,  fully  describing  the  North  Amer 
ican  Indians,  could  hardly  have  been  written.  Again 
we  find  him  receiving,  at  his  own  request,  voluminous 
information  from  the  State  Lunatic  Hospital  at  Worces- 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  237 

ter  upon  the  nature  and  causes  of  the  insanity  of  George 
III.  More  effective  than  the  help  of  any  paid  repre 
sentative  abroad  was  the  assistance  which  Edward 
Everett  as  minister  to  England  from  1841  to  1845 
could  and  did  render  him.  This  cooperation  in  the 
cause  of  scholarship  is  the  more  creditable  to  the  two 
friends  because  their  diverging  political  views  had 
brought  them  not  long  before,  when  Everett  was  Gov 
ernor  of  Massachusetts,  even  to  the  point  of  returning 
each  other's  personal  letters.  But  the  difference  came 
to  be  entirely  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  it  was  through 
Everett's  influence  that  the  first  steps  were  taken 
toward  Bancroft's  extensive  and  long-continued  use 
of  private  collections  of  letters  and  documents  in  Eng 
land. 

The  third  volume  of  Bancroft's  history,  completing 
his  account  of  the  Period  of  Colonization,  appeared  in 
1840.  Thus,  when  he  found  himself  a  man  of  leisure 
in  1841,  he  found  himself  also  an  historian  of  estab 
lished  reputation.  The  inherent  merits  and  faults  of 
his  writing — both  to  be  considered  later — had  by  this 
time  clearly  disclosed  themselves.  From  the  introduc 
tion  of  the  first  volume  to  the  conclusion  of  his  work, 
says  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  "it  still  continued,  as 
our  phrase  is,  to  vote  for  Jackson."  l  But  the  domi 
nant  note  of  Democracy,  and  the  very  qualities  of  the 
writing  which  seem  to-day  the  least  acceptable,  went 
far  to  recommend  the  work  to  a  large  portion  of  the 
public  in  the  thirties  and  forties.  Spirit  and  manner 

1  See  History  of  Historical  Writing  in  America.  By  J.  Franklin 
Jameson,  p.  107. 


238  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

alike  were  well  adapted  to  the  buoyant  age  of  Jackson. 
In  following  the  course  of  Bancroft's  life,  as  at  present, 
it  is  needed  only  to  look  upon  his  books  with  the  eyes 
of  the  decades  in  which  they  appeared.  By  so  doing 
we  can  appreciate  how  much  he  must  have  meant 
to  democrats,  whether  written  with  the  small  "d" 
of  the  spirit  or  with  the  large  "D"  of  party  affiliation. 
We  can  appreciate  also  the  feelings  of  those  to  whom 
Jackson  and  all  his  works  were  anathema. 

It  was  no  easy  matter  for  Harvard  to  give  its  LL.D. 
to  Andrew  Jackson  in  1833.  Ten  years  later  it  paid 
the  same  honour  to  his  New  England  supporter,  George 
Bancroft.  As  president  of  the  college,  Josiah  Quincy 
expressed  his  concurrence  in  "the  respect  entertained 
by  the  Corporation  and  Overseers  of  Harvard  Univer 
sity"  for  Bancroft's  "talents  and  literary  attainments." 
As  the  American  editor  of  James  Grahame's  History 
of  the  United  States,  it  soon  became  President  Quincy's 
task  to  express  himself  publicly  about  Bancroft  in  terms 
more  specific  and  less  flattering.  Bancroft  retaliated  in 
print  with  spirit;  indeed,  nearly  twenty  years  later,  and 
again  after  President  Quincy's  death,  he  was  ready  to  re 
turn  to  the  charge  with  all  the  resentment  of  a  man  who 
felt  himself  unjustly  treated;  and  he  would  have  done  so 
but  for  the  dissuading  voice  of  Robert  C.  Winthrop.1  A 
complete  account  of  the  controversy  would  fill  many 
pages.  In  brief,  it  was  this:  Bancroft,  in  a  footnote  in 

1  This  statement  is  made  after  finding  the  proof  of  an  un 
published  pamphlet,  John  Clarke  of  Rhode  Island  and  His 
Accusers.  New  York,  1863,  and  reading  letters  from  Mr.  Win 
throp  to  Mr.  Bancroft  written  in  1862  and  1876. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  IIISTOR  239 

his  second  volume,  described  a  statement  of  Graname's 
about  Clarke,  an  agent  of  Rhode  Island  at  the  Court  of 
Charles  II,  as  an  "invention."  The  harshness  Qf  the 
term  was  pointed  out  to  him,  and  in  later  editions  he 
substituted  for  "invention,"  "unwarranted  misappre 
hension."  Here,  one  would  suppose,  was  hardly  mat 
ter  for  elaborate  controversy.  If  the  two  historians  had 
dealt  directly  with  each  other,  Grahame  would  pre 
sumably  have  accepted  Bancroft's  acknowledgment  of 
his  mistaken  use  of  language,  and  that  would  have  been 
the  end  of  it.  But  Bancroft  was  slow  to  act;  friends 
intervened  with  conversation,  letters,  and  newspaper 
correspondence;  the  part  which  the  Rev.  George  E. 
Ellis  played  in  the  matter  gave  special  offense  to  Ban 
croft.  Naturally  Grahame  was  hurt;  naturally  his 
American  friends  who  happened  to  be  politically  an 
tagonistic  to  Bancroft,  felt  that  Grahame  should  be  set 
right,  and  Bancroft  wrong,  in  the  eyes  of  the  public. 
To  recite  the  charges  and  counter-charges  at  this  late 
day  would  be  quite  superfluous.  All  the  right  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  on  either  side.  Yet  when  one  has 
reviewed  the  entire  controversy,  President  Quincy's 
pamphlet,1  following  his  Memoir  of  Grahame  in  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  (Vol. 
XXIX),  leaves  two  rather  definite  impressions  on  the 
mind:  (1)  that  the  Clarke  point  did  not  in  itself  supply 
a  sufficient  cause  of  so  great  a  disturbance;  and  (2) 

1  The  Memory  of  the  Late  James  Grahame,  the  Historian  of 
the  United  States,  Vindicated  from  the  Charges  of  "  Detraction  " 
and  "Calumny"  preferred  against  him  by  Mr.  George  Bancroft, 
and  the  Conduct  of  Mr.  Bancroft  towards  that  Historian  Stated 
and  Exposed.  By  Josiah  Quincy.  Boston,  1846. 


240  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

that  in  the  general  conditions  to  which  it  gave  rise 
Bancroft  fell  short  of  the  generosity  and  candour  which 
have  so  often  distinguished  fellow-workers,  and  even 
rivals,  in  important  fields  of  labour. 

The  few  years  of  Bancroft's  private  citizenship  after 
he  ceased  to  be  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Boston  were 
far  from  idle  years.  The  following  passages  from  let 
ters  to  Mrs.  Bancroft  during  one  of  his  expeditions  for 
lecturing  and  the  gathering  of  historical  material  give 
some  idea  of  his  mental  and  social  activities: 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  December  25,  1842. 

"...  I  busy  myself  in  running  to  and  fro;  but 
whether  knowledge  is  increased  thereby,  is  not  so  cer 
tain.  Here  I  have  received  extraordinary  kindnesses: 
almost  every  one  seemed  eager  to  further  my  views, 
and  there  were  men  who  in  this  cold  winter  weather 
would  have  gone  out  with  me  to  the  battle  grounds.  I 
have  made  some  collections  of  considerable  value,  but 
have  gained  more  by  striking  the  veins  of  tradition,  and 
hearing  anecdotes  revived,  that  let  me  get  glimpses  into 
the  parties  and  malignant  spirit  of  old  times.  Do  you 
want  a  chronicle  of  events  ?  I  can  hardly  give  one.  I 
reached  this  place  on  Friday;  hurried  to  Gilpin's  where 
I  had  the  most  cordial  welcome;  dined;  went  below  to 
his  library;  got  myself  quiet  after  the  jolt  in  the  cars, 
and  was  in  good  condition  of  body  and  mind  before  I 
went  to  speak.  I  omitted  all  that  related  to  Dr.  John 
son,  and  the  passage  about  Washington:  I  put  in  a 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  241 

few  things  extempore:  and  held  the  audience  attentive 
and  satisfied.  Indeed  the  welcome  was  great  and  cor 
dial.  .  .  . 

"Sunday.  At  church  heard  Dr.  Bethune  in  the 
morning:  called  at  Lucretia  Mott's.  Saw  the  Dal- 
lases,  who  asked  much  for  you,  and  invited  me  to  a 
Christmas  party  this  evening,  which  I  declined.  I 
dined  at  Kane's.  ...  By  and  bye  Dr.  Dunglison  came 
in,  and  Mr.  Bache,  both  very  profound  and  scientific. 
I  staid  till  nearly  seven.  Then  an  hour  in  friendly  ar 
gument  with  Dr.  Rush  to  get  at  the  old  papers.  Fare 
well,  Dr.  Rush;  I  shall  tease  you  no  longer!  After  this 
I  was  at  Thomas  Earle's,  the  anti-masonic  Vice  Presi 
dent:  and  here  I  found  congregated  Lucretia  Mott, 
whom  I  had  long  been  curious  to  see,  and  who  is  rather 
a  different  person  from  any  I  saw  before :  womanly  and 
yet  full  of  zeal :  a  complete  abolitionist :  and  a  thorough 
woman's  rights  advocate.  I  staid  an  hour;  and  went 
to  see  Tyson,  where  a  few  were  congregated.  It  was 
almost  twelve  before  I  got  home.  To-day  Monday :  I 
am  resolved  not  to  get  weary.  I  will  see  such  of  our 
friends  as  I  can;  and  tomorrow  go  to  Baltimore  where 
I  must  enlighten  the  people.  Confusion  be  to  reporters : 
they  spirit  a  man's  manuscripts.  If  you  were  with  me, 
I  might  stay  from  home  a  little  longer;  but  now  I 
remain  fixed  in  being  with  you  January  7th.  Tell 
William  and  Alexander l  to  take  nice  care  of  you. 
Give  love  to  John  and  George,2  whom  William  must 
discipline  if  they  err.  Question  John  about  his  school. 

1  William  and  Alexander  Bliss,  Mrs.  Bancroft's  sons. 

2  The  sons  of  Bancroft's  first  marriage. 


242  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

Give  love  to  Louisa,1  who  is  I  hope,  growing  methodical : 
and  tell  Susy,2  I  have  not  forgotten  her  commission." 


To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"ELLICOTT'S  MILLS,  December  31,  1842. 

"...  At  Annapolis  I  found  some  things,  that  were 
curious,  and  was  well  repaid  for  my  visit.  It  is  a 
strange  old  place,  decayed,  but  hospitable.  I  believe  I 
told  you  of  my  evening  at  Col.  Nicholson's,  where  I 
met  Mrs.  Randall,  the  daughter  of  William  Wirt.  But 
that  day  from  early  morning  till  late  into  the  evening  I 
was  among  my  papers.  The  next  day  at  nine  found 
me  at  the  same  place:  and  I  toiled  indefatigably  till 
J  past  seven.  Then  I  went  to  see  the  good  Chancellor 
Bland,  and  his  most  motherly  hospitable  wife.  Bland 
is  a  thorough  Democrat  of  the  most  decided  character; 
and  he  poured  out  the  political  axioms  of  democracy 
with  a  fervor  unsurpassed.  I  never  heard  such  doc 
trines  from  the  Bench  before.  As  I  rose  to  go  away, 
good  Mrs.  Bland  said,  'Stay  and  eat  an  oyster/  Pres 
ently  we  went  out  into  an  adjoining  room  to  a  table 
laden  with  magnificent  roasted  oysters;  large  and  right 
excellent.  At  each  plate  were  placed  a  napkin  and  an 
oyster  knife,  and  each  person  was  to  open  his  own. 
Then  too  the  table  groaned  with  other  delicacies — a 
hospitality  equal  to  anything  you  can  imagine.  The 
Chancellor  liked  to  talk  with  me.  Nothing  would  do 
but  I  must  return  to  dine  the  next  day.  Friday  was 

1  The  daughter  of  Bancroft's  first  marriage. 

a  The  daughter  of  the  second  marriage,  then  in  her  fourth  year. 


1831-1845]   POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  243 

my  last  day  in  Annapolis.  The  night  before,  after  my 
visit  to  the  Chancellor,  I  toiled  at  my  documents  till 
midnight.  In  the  morning  I  engaged  at  my  desk 
again.  Presently  a  joint  committee  of  the  two  houses 
waited  on  me,  with  a  request  to  address  them  in  the 
evening.  Well:  I  went  to  my  work  reading  and  copy 
ing  till  after  two:  a  long  morning's  work;  dined  with 
the  Chancellor  on  ever  so  many  good  things,  wild  ducks 
and  terrapins:  and  democracy  and  law.  The  Chan 
cellor  is  learned  and  communicative.  'If  thou  wert  by 
my  side'  I  should  have  remained  a  week.  I  liked 
Annapolis.  It  is  so  decidedly  unlike  anything  else. 
I  worked  till  twenty  minutes  or  so,  before  my  lecture; 
then  hurried  on  my  coat  and  waistcoat,  and  went  to 
the  Senate  chamber.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
escorted  me  to  the  chair,  and  I  stood  just  where  Han 
cock  and  Washington  shook  hands,  when  Washington 
resigned  his  commission.  The  room  was  crowded  to 
suffocation.  So  I  made  my  thanks  to  the  Legislature 
for  their  distinguished  kindness:  to  the  people  of  An 
napolis  for  their  hospitality.  I  told  them  I  was  no 
stranger,  but  assured  'the  beauty  and  intelligence  of 
Annapolis/  that  I  felt  as  if  I  had  lived  on  the  spot  for 
a  hundred  years,  and  then  mixing  extempore  with  read 
ing,  and  detaining  the  audience  only  about  an  hour, 
I  poured  out  upon  the  Spirit  of  the  Age,  with  sundry 
digressions  upon  Washington,  and  the  beautiful  ever 
green  Hollies;  and  the  American  Press.  After  I  had 
finished,  several  came  to  me,  and  I  believe  the  impres 
sion  was  a  kind  one.  They  say  here,  I  write  well,  but 
have  no  enthusiasm,  no  life.  I  think  next  Monday 


244  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

night  at  Baltimore  I  will  startle  them,  and  show  them, 
that  at  least  I  have  a  voice.  I  adopted  last  week  a 
clear,  but  tranquil  manner;  the  newspaper  praised; 
but  I  saw  a  lady's  letter  in  which  she  complained  that 
I  did  not  give  more  power  to  language,  etc.,  etc.  After 
lecture,  I  paid  my  respects  to  the  Governor.  He  is 
famous,  as  the  best  orator  in  Maryland.  He  conversed 
very  sensibly  on  slavery,  on  Van  Buren,  and  on  politics 
generally. 

"  Returning  to  my  lodgings,  I  went  immediately  to 
work,  and  continued  my  toil  till  one  in  the  morning. 
Then  I  retired  to  be  roused  at  four  the  next  morning. 
Less  than  three  hours  brought  me  to  this  place  and  a 
breakfast  with  good  Mr.  Campbell." 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"BALTIMORE,  January  2,  1843. 

"...  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  came  from  the 
Manor  to  me  on  Saturday:  staid  at  the  Mills  over  night, 
and  made  me  his  guest  for  yesterday  and  as  much  longer 
as  I  would  have  remained,  urging  another  visit,  with 
you  for  my  companion.  Catholics  they  are:  their 
slaves  almost  two  hundred  in  number;  their  estate  a 
tract  of  eight  miles  by  six  or  seven;  beautiful  land  in 
the  heart  of  Maryland,  within  fifteen  miles  of  Balti 
more.  Some  fine  Mayday,  I  will  take  you  there.  This 
morning  he  sent  me  in  his  carriage  to  Ellicott's  Mills, 
and  Mr.  Campbell  brought  me  up  to  Baltimore.  Here 
I  remain  till  Wednesday  morning:  having  seen  various 
things  enough  to  make  fund  for  chat  for  some  of  these 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  245 

evenings  when  your  Bear  draws  up  his  arm-chair,  and 
without  any  trade  at  all,  seeks  to  win  his  wife  for  his 
audience.  Already,  after  being  here  but  a  few  minutes, 
I  find  on  my  table  muster  books  and  Council  of  Safety's 
papers;  and  I  must  spend  an  hour  or  two  or  more  in 
poring  over  them.  Tomorrow  I  hope  Peter  Force  will 
come  up  to  see  me.  Mrs.  Carroll  asked  very  much 
after  the  children:  she  is  also  very  much  cultivated:  I 
am  told,  is  a  good  classical  scholar;  reads  French  with 
all  ease:  but  never  displays.  The  housekeeping  was 
excellent;  and  bread  and  butter,  and  jellies,  every 
thing  made  on  the  plantation.  I  shall  tomorrow  dis 
course  upon  the  Spirit  of  the  Age:  the  same  old  six 
pence  which  was  so  well  reported  in  New  York:  only 
with  a  few  changes  and  variations.  I  gave  the  same 
at  Philadelphia  and  with  good  acceptance.  And  now 
my  long  continued  absence  draws  near  its  end.  No: 
it  is  a  long,  long  time  yet,  Tuesday,  Wednesday,  Thurs 
day,  Friday;  and  then  the  glad  Saturday.  The  net 
return  for  the  four  weeks,  after  defraying  all  expenses 
will  be  not  far  from  $400.  I  do  not  think  I  would  do 
just  the  same  thing  again.  .  .  . 

"[P.  S.J 

"Mrs.  Carroll  is  to  put  up  prayers  for  my  conversion. 
Her  daughter  is  at  a  famous  Catholic  Boarding  School 
in  N.  Y." 

Later  in  this  year  (1843)  came  the  great  ceremony  of 
dedicating  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument.  With  Webster 
for  orator,  with  President  Tyler  and  members  of  his  cabi 
net  for  spectators,  the  occasion  was  of  great  importance 


246  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

in  Boston;  and  Bancroft's  description  of  it  has  more 
than  a  local  interest. 


To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"BOSTON,  June  22,  1843. 

"...  Our  celebration  on  the  17th  was  very  grand; 
the  immense  concourse  of  people,  the  beauty  of  the  day, 
and  the  universal  joyousness  formed  one  of  the  most 
sublime  and  most  agreeable  spectacles  I  have  ever  wit 
nessed.  From  the  Boston  State  House  to  Bunker  Hill, 
the  streets  were  thronged :  pretty,  smiling  faces  beamed 
from  every  balcony,  clustered  at  the  windows;  ven 
tured  out  upon  the  roofs;  and  some  daring  ones,  sat 
proudly  elevated  on  the  chimney  tops.  Webster  in  his 
speech  was  heavy:  but  the  audience  befriended  him. 
I  rode  to  the  Hill  in  the  carriage  next  the  President  with 
Spencer  *  and  Porter.2  The  latter  is  a  noisy,  coarse, 
shallow  politician;  lean  in  ideas,  though  large  enough 
in  person.  Spencer  and  he  were  full  of  foolish  jest, 
but  he,  most  so.  Returning,  Webster  also  occupied  the 
carriage;  and  it  amused  me  to  see  how  the  others  were 
overawed  by  Webster's  presence.  I  saw  at  once,  why 
Webster  was  driven  from  the  Cabinet. 

"The  dinner  was  a  cold  water  one, — teetotal — but 
Tyler  must  have  his  brandy  and  water,  and  it  was 
amusing  to  see  him  hold  his  tumbler  below  the  table, 
to  get  a  stiff  glass  of  it,  and  then  duck  himself  down  to 
swallow  it  unseen.  Quite  a  jest  for  the  Washingtonians. 

"The   whigs   paid   little   court   to   the   Cabinet.     I 

1  John  C.  Spencer,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

2  James  M.  Porter,  Secretary  of  War. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND   HISTORY  247 

called  on  them  on  Sunday,  once  and  once  only  and 
found  only  officials,  and  office  heelers.  There  was 
quite  a  party  of  the  faithless,  who  haunted  them 
constantly.  Robert  Tyler  made  a  regular  onset  upon 
Gov.  Morton's  son;  telling  him  that  the  next  Presi 
dential  question  lay  between  Tyler  and  Cass,  and 
that  Gov.  Morton  ought  to  run  as  Vice  President  on 
the  ticket  with  him.  Such  fools  exist!  Of  Tyler  I 
think  better  and  worse:  that  is,  I  had  no  conception 
that  he  is  so  weak  a  man,  as  he  showed  himself  here; 
and  I  think  better  of  his  integrity  by  perceiving  how 
incapable  he  is  of  a  steady  judgment.  His  cabinet 
dupe  him.  Spencer  sees  clearly  his  feebleness,  and 
takes  the  most  advantage  of  it.  Tyler  thinks  his  cab 
inet  are  planning  his  re-election,  and  they  are  really 
busy  for  some  one  else;  Spencer  who  rules  all,  being 
for  Calhoun. 

"The  same  sort  of  correspondence  which  took  place 
between  Spencer  and  the  Connecticut  politicians,  was 
entered  into  with  some  in  Maine. 

"But  I  shall  weary  you  with  details.  The  country 
is  not  long  doomed  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  a  set  of 
men,  who  have  not  one  distinguishing  quality  but  cor 
ruption.  "Faithfully  and  with  highest  respect 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT." 

"Poor  Legare  *  came  to  his  end  by  a  chronic  disease, 
which  now  came  suddenly  to  a  crisis.  Art  could  not 
save  him."  2 

1  Hugh  S.  Legare,  Secretary  of  State,  ad  interim,  who  died  in 
Boston,  June  20,  1843. 

2  From  the  Van  Buren  Mss.,  Library  of  Congress, 


248  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

In  May  of  the  next  year,  1844,  the  letters  to  Mrs. 
Bancroft  record  another  journey  to  the  southward. 
The  first  of  them  is  from  Lindenwald,  Van  Buren's 
place  at  Kinderhook,  New  York.  The  Baltimore  Con 
vention  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  was 
on  the  point  of  meeting.  Bancroft  was  a  Massachusetts 
delegate,  and,  with  the  insufficient  majority,  his  first 
choice  was  Van  Buren.  The  three  following  letters, 
to  Mrs.  Bancroft,  to  Van  Buren,  and  to  Polk,  give  a 
full  account  of  Bancroft's  opinions  and  course  in  the 
matter.  The  point  of  greatest  significance  in  it  all  is 
the  assertion  of  Bancroft's  claim  to  virtual  responsibility 
for  the  nomination  of  Polk,  the  first  "Dark  Horse" 
presidential  candidate  chosen  by  a  national  convention. 
The  claim  has  appeared  before  in  print,  in  a  letter 
written  in  Bancroft's  old  age;1  but  the  letter  to  Polk, 
which  shall  be  given  here,  has  the  advantage  of  a  con 
temporary  document. 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"May,  1844. 

"Bound  for  Washington,  dearest  wife,  I  am  yet  so 
lazy  as  to  take  the  journey  by  instalments,  and  give 
half  a  day  or  rather  less,  to  Philadelphia.  I  found  if 
I  continue  I  should  not  reach  Baltimore  till  midnight: 
and  I  resolved  rather  to  make  my  entry  there  in  open 
day.  So  I  pause  to  take  my  rest  at  the  inn;  for  I  am 
resolved  not  to  lose  the  benefit  of  the  journey  by  mak 
ing  immoderate  haste.  Since  I  left  Van  Buren's  I  have 

1  See  American  Historical  Review,  July,  1906.  See  also 
Schouler's  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  IV,  p.  468.  Foot-note. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  249 

had  none  of  the  delights  of  rural  scenery  which  I  prize 
so  much:  but  instead  of  them,  the  jar  of  steamboats 
and  bad  railroads;  and  swarms  of  politicians.  Ap 
pearances  are  now  a  good  deal  better  for  Van  Buren; 
though  I  find  but  very  few,  who  like  the  Texas  letter 
much  better  than  I  do.  A  little  difference  of  tone  on 
that  subject,  would  have  effected  great  unanimity  in 
our  Baltimore  Convention,  and  I  think  the  issue  of  the 
contest  would  have  been  certain  victory.  We  had  on 
the  boat  from  N.  Y.  the  same  Col.  Beirne  whom  I  saw 
at  Lindenwald.  He  is  confident  the  vote  of  Virginia 
in  the  convention  will  be  given  unanimously  for  Van 
Buren;  and  equally  confident  that  Clay  will  lose  the 
state  by  a  majority  of  five  thousand.  I  found  in  our 
company  also  the  delegates  from  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire  and  Connecticut.  They  would  not  leave 
V.  B.  for  light  grounds:  they  go  there  with  a  preference 
for  him;  and  will  not  abandon  that  preference  except 
for  strong  reasons.  On  the  whole:  I  think  Van  Buren 
will  receive  the  nomination  without  much  doubt.  If 
then  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm  is  awakened  for  him,  he 
may  yet  succeed.  As  it  regards  our  strength,  the  tone 
of  feeling  is  improving  everywhere;  and  the  sentiment 
of  vehement  opposition  to  Henry  Clay  is  avowed  with 
a  resolution  that  promises  vigorous  efforts,  ,  .  ." 

To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"WASHINGTON,  May  23, 'Thursday.  [1844.] 

"The  fever  here  is  very  high.     I  had  hardly  touched 
the  pavement  when  I  found  Rantoul  at  my  side.     He 


250  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

was  full  of  the  Southern  feeling:  he  was  sure  they 
would  not  go  for  V.  B. — but  they  were  very  reasonable 
men,  and  the  North  might  select:  they  would  adopt 
any  Northern  man  that  was  a  Texan,  be  it  Cass!  or 
Stewart!!  or  Heaven  save  the  mark,  Levi  Woodbury!!! 
Buchanan  expresses  himself  firmly  and  decidedly  for 
you.  This  is  the  account  of  his  friends;  and  this  is-' 
the  statement  of  the  Tylerites.  Connecticut  is  still  un 
certain;  of  Virginia  I  know  not  what  opinion  to  form: 
Beirne  says  certainly  its  whole  vote  will  be  V.  B.;  and 
Dromgoole  thinks  others.  The  city  is  full  of  disor- 
ganisers;  and  their  first,  second,  and  third  words  are, 
look  at  Virginia;  where  Ritchie,  and  Roane  and  Stev 
enson  are  opposed  to  him.  One  Louisiana  delegate  is 
in  the  house  with  me:  he  is  very  furious  in  the  Texas 
matter:  it  is  his  first  word  and  his  last;  I  walked  with 
him  for  half  an  hour  to  mollify  him:  but  he  would  not 
be  soothed.  Texas  must  immediately  become  Amer 
ican  or  will  soon  be  British. 

"From  old  Hickory  you  will  see  a  fresh  letter  in  the 
Globe  of  tonight.  He  writes  it  in  favour  of  V.  B.  and 
Polk:  with  Polk,  Tennessee  is  safe;  without  Polk  it 
is  gone.  And  to  this  the  old  Hero  has  set  his  hand. 
The  letter  is  not  his  autograph. 

"Great  pains  were  taken  last  night  to  make  up  a 
list  of  certain  and  reliable  delegates.  It  was  agreed  to 
turn  out  all  doubtful  ones  and  take  the  safe.  The 
result  as  voting  by  states  or  by  votes  per  capita  was  as 
follows : 

[The  conjectural  list  of  votes  by  states  is  here 
omitted.] 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  251 

"Thus  eleven  states  are  counted  upon  for  you  on  the 
first  but  not  with  certainty,  giving  154  votes,  138  being 
a  majority;  and  if  they  vote  per  Capita  the  number  of 
votes  is  at  least  148.  This  number  may  be  increased. 
To  meet  this  state  of  the  case,  the  disorganisers  de 
mand,  that  a  nomination  shall  be  made  only  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote.  For  this  they  can  unfortunately  plead 
precedents  of  some  weight,  in  former  national  conven 
tions  and  in  this  congress  in  the  caucus  for  nominating 
Speaker  and  Printer.  On  this  the  battle  will  turn; 
and  the  point  may  be  severely  contested.  But  I  think 
we  shall  put  a  face  on  things  before  Monday,  that  will 
make  secession  an  unpopular  affair  altogether;  and  I 
think  the  apprehension  of  division  will  favour  union. 
Peterkin  of  Pa.  writes  letters  full  of  zeal. 

"Never  let  any  body  say  Mr.  V.  B.  has  no  friends. 
There  are  some  here  to  refute  that.  A  great  movement 
is  apparent.  Medary  is  confident  of  Ohio. 

"In  Haste 

"Yours  most  truly 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT."1 

To  JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 

"BOSTON,  JulyS,  1844. 

"The  last  time  I  had  the  pleasure  of  conversing 
with  you  was  the  fine  frosty  morning,  when,  after  our 
long  interview,  we  took  a  quiet  walk  just  before  you 
were  leaving  the  scene  of  your  fourteen  years'  service 
for  the  arduous  and  to  you  most  glorious  campaign  of 
1839.  I  watched  your  progress  with  intensest  interest, 

1  From  the  Van  Buren  Mss.,  Library  of  Congress. 


252  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

made  the  more  near  and  personal  by  the  zeal  of  our 
friend  Harris,  and  I  shared  in  the  exultation  that  fol 
lowed  your  unexampled  success. 

"My  eye  was  immediately  turned  towards  you  for 
the  service  of  the  nation,  and  our  Massachusetts  De 
mocracy  which  at  any  rate  has  to  rely  on  firm  opinions 
and  men  to  meet  the  immense  opposition  of  the  proud 
est  and  wealthiest  aristocracy  in  our  country,  and 
which  at  all  times  has  the  hearty  sympathy  of  its  friends 
in  New  England,  very  readily  received  and  acted  upon 
the  suggestion  of  rallying  around  you  on  the  ticket  with 
Van  Buren.  The  convention  of  1840  most  unwisely 
did  not  make  the  nomination  and  by  that  neglect 
greatly  weakened  the  ticket. 

"This  year  before  the  assembling  of  the  national 
convention  of  which  body  I  was  delegate  for  the  state, 
I  did  not  fail  to  put  myself  in  correspondence  with  my 
friends  of  New  Hampshire  and  New  York  and  in  other 
states;  and  while  some  friends  of  Mr.  V.  B.  seemed 
to  think  that  R.  M.  Johnson  should  be  nominated 
V.  P.,  I  took  every  occasion  to  express  the  opinion,  in 
which  I  found  afterwards,  that  Gen.  Jackson  coincided, 
that  the  choice  should  fall  on  none  other  than  yourself. 
Mr.  Wright  of  New  York  encouraged  me  in  concentrat 
ing  opinion  on  you. 

"At  the  convention  I  immediately  exchanged  a  few 
words  with  our  friend  Gen.  Pillow,  of  your  neighbour 
hood,  who  conducted  himself  throughout  with  the 
modesty  and  firmness,  which  deserved  highest  com 
mendation;  and  I  renewed  my  old  acquaintance  with 
Gen.  Donelson.  I  was  able  to  assure  them  that 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  253 

on  the  first  ballot  for  V.  P.  Massachusetts  would 
certainly  throw  ten,  probably  twelve  votes  for 
Yourself. 

"You  know  the  events  of  Monday  and  Tuesday.  On 
Tuesday  many  of  my  friends  gave  way  to  despair. 
Cass  was  gaining.  The  R.  M.  Johnson  and  all  doubt 
ful  ones,  were  ready  to  join  him;  this  would  have 
swelled  his  vote  to  157,  and  then  it  would  have  seemed 
fractious  to  have  held  out.(  It  flashed  on  my  mind, 
that  it  would  be  alone  safe  to  rally  on  you.  1  This  I 
mentioned  to  my  friend  Mr.  Carrol  of  Concord,  New 
Hampshire,  who  fell  into  it  heartily.  We  spoke  with 
Gov.  Hubbard;  he  agreed;  and  the  N.  H.  delegation 
were  fixed.  I  then  opened  the  matter  to  our  excellent 
friend  Gov.  Morton  of  our  delegation  and  he  coincided 
and  his  coinciding  was  very  important.  I  then  went 
to  your  faithful  friends  Gen.  Pillow  and  Donelson. 
They  informed  me  that  if  we  of  N..E.  would  lead  off, 
they  would  follow  with  Mississippi  and  Alabama  and 
some  others.  Mississippi  hesitated. 

"  Certain  of  this,  I  repaired  with  Gen.  Donelson  and 
Pillow  to  the  house  where  were  the  delegations  of  Ohio 
and  New  York,  and  I  spent  the  time  till  midnight  in 
arguing  with  them.  Mr.  Medary  saw  the  bearings  of 
the  matter  and  before  I  left  the  hotel  assured  me  his 
delegation  would  go  for  Polk  rather  than  for  Cass. 
With  many  of  the  New  York  delegation  I  spoke,  but 
opened  the  matter  most  fully  to  our  friend  Gouverneur 
Kemble,  who  I  think  was  in  congress  with  you.  You 
may  suppose  that  the  N.  Y.  delegation  was  in  a  great 
state  of  agitation.  Kemble  was  calm  and  decided. 


254  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

After  hearing  me  at  length,  he  gave  in  his  adhesion 
decidedly  to  my  view  of  the  Duty  of  V.  B.'s  supporters' 
and  such  were  his  statements,  that  I  returned  to  my 
lodgings. 

"I  returned  to  my  lodgings  before  midnight  tranquil 
and  happy.  I  enjoyed  as  quiet  sleep  as  you  did  on  the 
night  before  your  journey  to  Warrensburg.  In  the 
morning  I  saw  my  friend  Fink,  state  delegate  of  Mary 
land,  who  heartily  came  into  the  scheme,  and  Pillow 
I  believe  and  I  certainly  spoke  with  the  principal  dele 
gate  from  Louisiana,  who  was  at  once  hearty  for  the 
course. 

"It  came  to  voting.  You  should  have  heard  the 
cheers  as  Hubbard  for  N.  H.  and  I  for  Massachusetts 
announced  the  whole  vote  of  N.  H.,  I  the  majority  of 
Mass.  But  the  thing  that  pleased  me  most  was,  to 
see  the  Virginia  delegation,  all  vehement  for  Cass,  taken 
aback,  and  I  had  a  feeling  of  triumph  as  I  saw  Roane 
lead  out  his  Virginia  train  to  consult,  and  return  to 
announce  a  change  of  vote  from  Cass  to  yourself. 

"  On  reaching  home,  I  met  my  constituents  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  the  largest  Democratic  meeting  I  ever  saw  there; 
they  listened  to  my  tale  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  and 
broke  the  silence  only  by  bursts  of  delight  at  the  nomi 
nations. 

"By  the  special  invitation  of  our  N.  H.  friends  I  went 
to  their  great  ratification  meeting,  where  I  found  your 
hearty  and  ardent  friend  Franklin  Pierce,  a  man  of 
true  metal,  a  fine  fellow,  when  in  Congress  with  you: 
but  improved  in  talent  and  power  by  assiduous  cult 
ure.  Here  was  the  same  enthusiasm. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  255 

"Day  before  yesterday  I  was  at  Worcester:  a  great 
gathering:  and  but  one  heart. 

"You  will  be  pleased  I  am  sure  to  know  that  Mr. 
Van  Buren  most  heartily  in  conversation  and  with  his 
pen  zealously  advocates  your  election.  Yesterday  I 
received  from  him  a  long  letter,  from  which  I  quote 
confidentially  the  following  words : 

"'The  success  of  the  nominees  is  of  vital  importance 
to  the  country.  That  they  will  succeed  I  have  not  the 
slightest  doubt.  In  this  state,  unless  we  get  into  a  dis 
tracted  snarl  about  our  Governor,  (which  I  do  not 
anticipate)  our  success  will  be  very  great.  It  is  not 
possible  that  our  friends  could  be  more  zealous.  .  .  .'  * 

"You  can  have  little  leisure  to  write;  were  you  to 
find  a  moment's  time,  I  should  be  charmed  to  receive  a 
letter  from  you.  But  at  any  rate,  you  may  rely  on  the 
enthusiastic  and  determined  support  of  the  Democracy 
of  New  England." 

Bancroft  was  soon  involved  in  an  important  cam 
paign  of  his  own — as  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Governor  of  Massachusetts.  His  Whig  opponent  was 
George  N.  Briggs,  who  received  nearly  fifteen  thousand 
more  votes.  In  the  year  of  a  presidential  election,  in 
a  State  sure  to  be  found  in  the  Clay  column,  Bancroft 
could  hardly  have  hoped  for  other  results.  The  fact 
that  he  identified  himself  at  this  time  with  Governor 
Dorr  of  Rhode  Island  in  his  fight  for  a  more  liberal 

1  The  omitted  portion  explains  why  Bancroft,  busy  with  his 
History,  could  not  at  the  moment  bring  out  a  campaign  life  of 
Polk,  which  he  had  been  asked  to  revise,  enlarge  and  sign. 


256  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

State  constitution  was  particularly  obnoxious  to  the 
conservative  element  in  Massachusetts,  which  regarded 
the  Dorr  Rebellion  as  a  reckless  assault  upon  law  and 
order.  It  was  in  June  of  1844  that  the  trial  of  Dorr  for 
high  treason  ended  in  his  sentence,  afterward  remitted, 
of  imprisonment  for  life.  The  existing  order  triumphed ; 
but  if  Bancroft  had  not  brought  his  allegiance  to  the 
principles  for  which  the  rebellion  contended,  especially 
the  extension  of  the  suffrage,  his  politics  and  his  his 
torical  writing  would  have  been  much  farther  apart 
than  usual. 

Through  the  autumn  his  campaigning  carried  him 
even  beyond  the  Massachusetts  borders. 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"PO'KEEPSIE,  September  20,  1844. 
"Today,  dearest  Love,  I  have  a  moment's  time  to 
tell  you  why  I  have  not  written  fully.  On  arriving 
here  on  Tuesday,  I  found  myself  very  weary,  not  get 
ting  here  till  near  midnight.  I  got  not  a  wink  of  sleep 
that  night,  such  was  the  hubbub.  On  Wednesday,  I 
found  the  town  full  of  Reporters;  and  to  prevent  mon 
strous  nonsense  being  put  off  as  mine,  I  undertook  to 
write  my  speech.  Receiving  visits  all  the  morning,  and 
going  to  the  fair,  and  taking  a  drive  round  the  en 
virons,  and  dining  out  and  going  to  a  Soiree  in  the 
evening,  you  may  suppose  it  was  not  easy.  But  I  kept 
my  mind  quiet,  and  my  attention  fixed;  and  finished 
seasonably  stuff  enough  for  a  speech  of  three  quarters 
of  an  hour  or  more.  The  audience  was  immense,  but 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  257 

I  think  I  was  heard  by  all.  The  dread  was  that  the 
Loco  Foco  would  talk  politics.  I  got  their  attention, 
more  perfectly  than  I  ever  did ;  and  it  was  odd  to  see, 
how  every  time  they  were  pleased,  they  would  look  and 
consider  whether  there  was  not  some  horrid  Loco  Foco 
doctrine  wrapped  up  in  the  sugar.  Van  Buren  came 
in  while  I  was  speaking;  coming  directly  on  the  plat 
form,  where  I  stood.  He  came  directly  upon  me;  but 
instead  of  being  disconcerted,  I  turned  round  and  shook 
hands  with  him,  at  which  there  was  the  most  uproarious 
applause.  If  that  was  concerted,  said  two,  it  could  not 
have  been  better.  But  all  this  I  dare  say  you  will  see 
reverently  or  burlesquely  told  in  the  papers. 

"  Speaking  of  shaking  hands,  I  was  introduced  to  a 
gentleman;  the  deed  was  done.  Some  one  whispered 
to  him :  *  What,  the  Orator  of  tomorrow  ? ' —  Coming 
up  to  me,  'Sir,  if  I  had  known  who  it  was,  I  should 
have  given  a  more  respectful  shake/  .  .  ." 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"September,  1844. 

"...  I  suppose  you  do  not  write  me,  because  you 
did  not  like  my  Poughkeepsie  speech.  It  was  merely 
an  ornamental  extempore;  but  it  satisfied  the  occasion, 
and  I  carried  my  audience  with  me.  Still  I  give  you 
leave  to  dislike  it,  since  you  applaud  my  Tammany 
speech,  and  admire  my  Dorr  letter.  All  agree  that  the 
Dorr  letter  is  as  you  said.  Van  Buren  liked  my  view 
better  than  his  own;  and  many  people  have  spoken  to 
me  about  it.  It  is  but  a  very  few  people  in  Boston,  that 
have  savage  natures  enough  to  wish  to  persecute  him." 


258  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"  Tuesday  night,  Oct.,  1844. 

".  .  .  Do  not  imagine  that  it  requires  courage  at 
this  time  to  be  a  democrat!  What  is  more  ridiculous 
than  Clay's  position?  What  is  more  ridiculous  than 
Webster's  relations  to  Clay?  What  is  more  absurd 
than  their  two-sided  policy  about  Texas?  What  is 
more  monstrous  than  their  proposition  to  protect  labour 
by  taxing  labourers  out  of  all  proportion  ?  Were  I  one 
of  them,  my  heart  would  sink  within  me,  many  fathoms 
deep.  I  should  feel  guilty  and  oppressed.  But  to 
support  democracy  may  give  a  quiet  heart  and  tranquil 
sleep,  and  a  good  wife  and  loving  children." 

When  Polk  and  Dallas  were  elected,  it  soon  became 
evident  that  Bancroft's  political  labours  were  not  to  go 
unrequited.  A  correspondent  in  Mobile  wrote  him, 
December  6,  1844,  of  his  desire  to  see  Bancroft  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  his  intention  to  express  this  feeling  in  a 
Mobile  newspaper.  In  replying  to  him  Bancroft  said : 
"I  received  your  very  friendly  notice  in  the  Mobile 
Register,  and  I  shall  show  to  you,  how  deeply  I  recog 
nise  the  sincerity  of  your  regard,  by  using  with  you  the 

1  The  Rev.  J.  W.  Chadwick,  in  his  William  Ellery  Charming 
(p.  277,  foot-note)  has  told  the  following  story,  for  which  he  was 
indebted  to  Senator  Hoar:  "A  democrat  was  a  social  pariah. 
George  Bancroft,  gentleman  and  scholar,  after  a  brilliant  candi 
dacy  for  the  governorship  of  Massachusetts,  met  a  lady  of  the 
Whig  aristocracy  on  the  street,  and  said  to  her,  '  I  did  not  find 
you  at  home  when  I  called.'  '  No,'  she  answered,  '  and  you  never 
will.' "  The  manners  of  the  "lady  of  the  Whig  aristocracy"  are 
not  commented  upon. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  259 

utmost  frankness.  There  are  many  reasons  why  I 
do  not  desire  a  post  in  the  cabinet,  among  others,  it 
would  interfere  too  much  with  my  literary  pursuits.  A 
foreign  mission  would  better  chime  with  my  inclina 
tions." 

As  the  time  for  Polk  to  announce  his  appointments 
drew  near,  Bancroft  himself  was  not  far  from  the  po 
litical  centre.  The  following  passages  from  letters  to 
his  wife  sufficiently  tell  the  story  of  what  he  saw  and 
heard : 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.  February  15,  1845. 

".  .  .  The  President  elect  keeps  his  own  counsels 
most  closely;  but  some  of  those  in  the  street  seem  to 
think,  that  the  husband  of  a  woman  like  yourself, 
should  assuredly  be  one  of  the  Clerks  of  the  President; 
and  as  people  do  not  know  the  cause  of  my  coming 
here,  they  draw  queer  inferences.  Time  will  unfold  all 
things,  among  the  rest  whether  you  are  to  mope  in 
Winthrop-place;  or  reign  in  Washington;  or  freeze 
your  nose  in  some  German  Lapland;  but  of  one  thing 
I  am  resolved,  which  is  one  day  or  other  to  show  you 
more  of  the  world,  than  you  have  seen  in  the  last  five 
years.  .  .  . 

"After  dinner  I  left  a  card  on  J.  C.  Calhoun;  and 
with  Gilpin  spent  an  hour  with  Benton  and  his  most 
interesting  son-in-law  Lieutenant  Fremont.  To  hear 
him  talk  of  the  Oregon  country  seemed  like  being 
carried  among  snowcapped  mountains  of  Switzerland; 


260  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1831-1845 

and  his  account  of  the  valleys  and  beautiful  runs  of 
water  were  enough  almost  to  make  you  think  that  the 
Garden  of  Eden  was  the  other  side  of  the  mountains. 
I  had  no  idea,  that  there  were  so  many  ranges  of 
mountains,  or  so  beautifully  picturesque  and  inviting 
a  region;  destined  you  may  be  sure  to  be  filled  by 
Yankees,  and  whether  under  our  government  or  not  to 
be  peopled  by  men  who  have  no  notion  of  owing 
allegiance  to  any  power  but  of  their  own  selection.  .  .  ." 

On  February  20th  he  wrote:  "Mr.  Polk  keeps 
the  secret  of  his  cabinet  appointments;  nor  will  they 
probably  be  known  before  the  fifth  of  March.  If  any 
body  asks  about  me,  say  I  shall  probably  go  envoy  to 
Japan."  In  a  letter  of  March  2d  he  said:  "I  write 
tonight  to  enjoin  on  you  secrecy;  to  be  surprised  at 
nothing;  to  be  displeased  at  nothing.  Things  here  are 
arranged  in  a  manner  you  know  nothing  [about];  and 
entirely  to  my  personal  satisfaction.  You  too  will  be 
satisfied,  when  you  come  to  know." 

The  great  secret  was  Bancroft's  appointment  as 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  Folk's  Cabinet.  Political  op 
ponents  in  Massachusetts  attempted  to  block  his  con 
firmation  by  calling  the  attention  of  a  Virginia  Senator 
to  Bancroft's  utterances  against  slavery.  But  another 
Senator  secured  from  Bancroft  a  list  of  all  his  writings 
on  the  subject,  and  stated  his  case  before  the  Sen 
ate,  which  confirmed  him  without  a  dissenting  vote.1 
Bancroft's  note  on  the  subject  to  his  wife  was  as  fol 
lows: 

1  See  Century  Magazine,  January,  1887. 


1831-1845]  POLITICS  AND  HISTORY  261 

To  MRS.  E.  D.  BANCROFT. 

"CiTY  OF  WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1845. 
"Having  dined  yesterday  at  Blair's  and  seen  a  wed 
ding  at  Col.  Benton's,  and  watched  a  fire  as  it  burned 
down  a  theatre  and  a  row  of  houses,  I  might  have 
much  to  say.  But  the  time  is  short;  and  I  write  merely 
to  explain  to  you  the  cause  of  the  Senate's  not  acting 
today  upon  my  affair.  It  springs  from  no  hostility, 
but  a  rule  of  the  Senate  made  a  delay  till  Monday 
proper.  So  you  will  have  to  address  me  as  a  private 
citizen  till  Monday  next:  after  which  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  will  lay  his  laurels,  no  not  that,  his  trident 
at  your  feet.  I  write  lest  some  mischievous  letter- 
writers  might  pervert  the  matter.  There  is  no  opposi 
tion  to  my  confirmation;  but  a  Senator  insisted  on 
following  the  strict  letter  and  routine.  Love  to  all." 

It  has  sometimes  been  said  that  Bancroft's  lack  of 
popularity  in  Massachusetts  was  due  in  part  to  his  early 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  New  England  was  not  the 
whole  country.  To  be  called  from  Massachusetts  to  a 
post  so  conspicuously  national  as  that  of  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  must  certainly  have  compensated  him  for 
many  things. 


V 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY 
1845—1846 

ON  the  first  of  January,  1845,  Bancroft  wrote  to 
James  K.  Polk,  President-elect:  "A  post  in  the  Cab 
inet  has  not  seemed  to  me  at  this  time  the  position 
most  favourable  to  my  efficiency.  Many  years7  close 
attention  and  continual  investigation  on  my  part  have 
made  the  public  wish  somewhat  general  that  I  should 
as  speedily  as  possible  conclude  the  History  which  I 
have  undertaken  of  the  United  States;  and  the  foreign 
service  of  the  country  in  England,  in  France  or  in  Ger 
many  is  the  only  position  which  would  favour  that  end. 
When  I  was  a  very  young  man  I  passed  three  years  or 
more  in  France  and  Germany,  and  during  that  period 
a  winter  in  Berlin.  The  German  language,  as  well  as 
the  French,  is  almost  as  familiar  to  me  as  the  English. 
In  making  up  your  arrangement  for  the  foreign  corps, 
if  the  mission  to  Prussia  were  offered  me,  I  should 
certainly  accept  it." 

It  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  Bancroft,  having 
stated  his  wishes  with  such  frankness,  could  have 
looked  upon  the  navy  portfolio  as  their  complete  ful 
filment.  If  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  specifically  that 

262 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY         263 

it  was  regarded  as  a  stepping-stone  to  his  true  desire, 
the  event  shows  that  it  took  this  place.  Yet  in  the  year 
and  a  half  through  which  he  administered  the  Navy 
Department,  he  displayed  all  the  zeal  and  efficiency  of 
one  whose  whole  heart  was  in  the  present  task. 

"Without  my  being  a  candidate  for  a  post  in  the 
cabinet,"  Bancroft  wrote  to  Marcus  Morton,  March 
10,  1845,  "and  against  my  avowed  predilections,  I 
have  been  called  to  that  station,  and  if  the  Senate 
consent,  shall  enter  upon  it  in  a  few  days.  It  is  my 
fixed  purpose  to  govern  myself  there  by  two  maxims: 
First,  regard  to  the  public  service;  and  next  to  act  as 
if  the  eye  of  the  whole  democracy  watched  every 
motion  and  its  ear  heard  every  word  I  shall  utter. 
Duty  and  publicity  will  be  my  watchwords;  and  in 
great  matters  or  small,  I  will  do  nothing  in  secret.  If 
asked  about  appointments,  I  shall  give  such  answers, 
as  I  shall  be  willing  to  have  read  to  the  world,  that  is  to 
all  the  little  world  that  takes  an  interest  in  such  things." 

On  the  very  threshold  of  his  official  career,  Van 
Buren  had  given  him  (March  7,  1845)  the  following  ex 
cellent  counsel:  "Suppress  the  ardour  of  your  tempera 
ment.  Keep  cool.  Stand  aloof  from  all  schemes  and 
intrigues  of  which  you  will  soon  see  abundance.  Let 
your  course  be  distinguished  by  a  singleness  of  devo 
tion  to  the  duties  of  your  Department,  and  the  time 
will  come  when  you  will  find  an  advantage  from  this 
course  beyond  what  is  the  ordinary  reward  of  virtuous 
actions." 

In  a  letter  of  April  14,  Bancroft  made  reply:  "Fol 
lowing  your  advice,  I  have  quietly  devoted  myself  to  my 


264  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

duty,  which  Is  arduous  enough,  and  take  as  little  share 
in  the  distribution  of  office  as  is  consistent  with  fidelity 
to  my  tried  friends."  The  files  of  Bancroft's  corre 
spondence  at  this  time  reveal  " tried  friends"  in  such 
multitudes  that  the  answering  of  their  importunities  on 
behalf  of  other  friends  and  of  themselves  must  have 
occupied  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  Secretary's 
time.  From  all  these  letters  one  must  be  chosen,  less 
for  its  value  as  a  type  than  because  of  its  intrinsic  in 
terest.  It  is  indeed  exceptional,  in  that  it  is  not  ad 
dressed  to  Bancroft  himself. 

From  CHARLES  SUMNER  to  MRS.  BANCROFT. 

"BOSTON,  January  9th,  1846. 

"You  will  think  that  I  never  appear,  except  as  a 
beggar.  Very  well.  I  never  beg  for  myself.  But  I 
do  beg  now  most  earnestly  for  another;  for  a  friend  of 
mine,  and  of  your  husband's;  for  a  man  of  letters,  of 
gentleness. 

"I  have  heard  to-day  of  the  poverty  of  Hawthorne. 
He  is  very  poor  indeed.  He  has  already  broken  up 
the  humble  and  inexpensive  house  which  he  had  es 
tablished  in  Concord,  because  it  was  too  expensive. 
You  know  how  simply  he  lived.  He  lived  almost  on 
nothing;  but  even  that  nothing  has  gone.  Let  me  say 
to  your  husband,  not  to  you  (for  I  would  not  quote 
Latin  to  a  lady) 

"Nil  habuit  Codrus.     Quis  enim  negatf  et  tamen 

illud 
Perdidit  infelix  totum  nihil.' 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY         265 

Some  of  his  savings  were  lent  to  Mr.  Ripley  at  Brook 
Farm;  but  he  is  not  able  to  repay  them,  and  poor 
Hawthorne  (that  sweet,  gentle,  true  nature)  has  not 
wherewithal  to  live.  I  need  not  speak  of  his  genius  to 
you.  He  is  an  ornament  of  the  country;  nor  is  there  a 
person  of  any  party  who  would  not  hear  with  delight 
that  the  author  of  such  Goldsmithian  prose,  as  he 
writes,  had  received  honour  and  office  from  his  country. 
I  plead  for  him  earnestly,  and  count  upon  your  friendly 
interference  to  keep  his  name  present  to  the  mind  of 
your  husband,  so  that  it  may  not  be  pushed  out  of 
sight  by  the  intrusive  legion  of  clamorous  office-seekers, 
or  by  other  public  cares. 

"Some  post-office,  some  custom  house,  something, 
that  will  yield  daily  bread, — anything  in  the  gift  of  your 
husband — or  that  his  potent  influence  might  command 
—will  confer  great  happiness  upon  Hawthorne;  and, 
I  believe,  dear  Mrs.  Bancroft,  it  will  confer  greater 
upon  you;  feeling,  as  I  do,  that  all  true  kindness  blesses 
him  that  bestows  it  more  even  than  it  blesses  the  receiver. 

"I  wish  I  could  have  some  assurance  from  your  hus 
band  that  Hawthorne  shall  be  cared  for.  .  .  . 

"  I  wrote  your  husband  lately  on  peace;  but  he  will  not 
heed  my  words. 

"  Believe  me,  dear  Mrs.  Bancroft, 

(  provided  you  do  not  ) 
Yours  sincerely  <  *  TT       , 

(    forget  Hawthorne     ) 

"CHARLES  SUMNER." 

Bancroft's  reply  *  to  Sumner's  letter  on  peace,  and 

1  Original  in  Sumner  Collection,  Harvard  College  Library. 


GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

incidentally  to  the  Hawthorne  question,  may  best  be 
given  here,  though  its  allusions  to  the  Oregon  boundary 
are  at  this  point  somewhat  premature. 


To  CHARLES  SUMNER. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  13,  1846. 

"I  am  more  of  a  peace  man  than  you;  as  you  will 
find  in  the  end.  For  that  object  I  would  not  for  a 
moment  listen  to  a  scheme  for  mixing  up  the  Oregon 
question  with  schemes  of  literary  ambition.  I  know 
no  better  referees  than  the  plenipotentiaries  of  two  such 
enlightened  states  as  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States;  and  if  our  rights  are  asserted  with  unanimity 
and  dignity,  I  have  no  doubt  England  will  do  us 
justice,  which  is  all  we  want.  I  fear  nothing  but  divi 
sions  at  home,  which  may  impel  England  to  un 
reasonable  and  impossible  demands. 

"I  was  amused  at  your  suggestion  of  referees.  Did 
not  Sparks  discover  and  father  upon  Franklin' a  Red 
Line,  that  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject;  but  to 
be  used  as  a  terror  to  the  legislature  of  Maine  ?  Has 
not  Prescott  denounced  us  all  as  violators  of  interna 
tional  law  and  breakers  of  the  Constitution,  against  the 
opinion  of  Congress  and  his  country,  and  against  the 
action  of  the  Supreme  Court?  And  if  Congress,  and 
the  Executive  and  the  Judiciary  all  acting  in  harmony, 
cannot  settle  a  constitutional  question  to  his  satisfac 
tion,  how  do  we  know  what  would  happen  about 
Oregon  ?  And  has  not  Guizot  committed  himself  as 
minister  under  whose  auspices  a  declaration  has  been 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        267 

made,  that  cette  fois  les  Anglois  out  raisonf  And  has 
he  not  exerted  himself  to  narrow  the  boundaries  of  our 
union,  and  to  create  antagonistic  powers?  Oh  Mr. 
Sumner;  Mr.  Sumner!  You  must  not  only  cry  peace, 
but  you  must  seek  peace,  and  you  will  find  it  in  the 
paths  of  patriotism  and  justice. 

"As  to  Hawthorne,  I  have  been  most  perseveringly 
his  friend.  I  am  glad  you  go  for  the  good  rule  of  dis 
missing  wicked  Whigs  and  putting  in  Democrats.  Set 
me  down  as  without  influence,  if  so  soon  as  the  course 
of  business  will  properly  permit,  you  do  not  find  Haw 
thorne  an  office  holder." 

On  the  fifth  of  March,  1846,  Bancroft  wrote  to 
President  Polk,  endorsing  the  appointment  of  Haw 
thorne  as  Surveyor  at  the  Salem  Custom  House,  the 
post  which  he  received. 

An  important  letter  to  one  who  was  not  seeking 
office,  but  whom  it  sought,  was  written  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Polk  administration,  with  which  it  reveals 
Bancroft's  intimate  connection.  It  also  reveals  the 
seriousness  with  which  Polk  and  his  advisers  were 
considering  the  means  of  bringing  to  a  satisfactory  end 
the  controversy  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  on  the  Oregon  boundary  line.  'Fifty-four 
forty  or  fight"  had  not  yet  become  the  party  cry,  but 
the  spirit  from  which  it  sprang  was  already  at  work. 

To  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"WASHINGTON,  May  5,  1845. 
"I  might  feel  embarrassment  at  writing  to  you  to- 


268  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

night,  were  not  personal  affection  and  the  public  in 
terest  so  entirely  united  in  what  I  am  going  to  say. 

"The  critical  state  of  the  relations  with  England 
render  the  mission  to  that  country,  always  the  highest 
foreign  station,  now  of  peculiar  and  the  gravest  im 
portance.  The  British  minister  at  this  place  has,  it 
is  true,  full  powers  to  negotiate  a  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  Question:  and  the  affair  is  proceeding  in  a 
manner  that  will  I  am  sure,  obtain  your  approbation. 
But  the  excited  condition  of  the  English  mind  and  the 
feeling  manifested  by  the  ministry  render  it  essential 
that  the  envoy  to  the  Court  of  St.  James  should  be 
foremost  among  the  first  men  of  the  land  for  experi 
ence,  previous  high  station,  acknowledged  dignity  and 
weight  of  character,  ability  and  influence;  and  the 
President  and  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  cabinet  have 
singled  you  out  for  that  station. 

"The  President  does  me  the  honour  to  make  me 
the  organ  of  communicating  to  you  his  earnest  wish 
on  this  subject.  He  was  preparing  to  write  to  you 
himself,  but  I  begged  to  be  permitted  to  make  the 
communication  to  you.  My  affection  prompted  me 
to  this;  for  I  could  mingle  more  of  private  views 
with  all  that  is  public  in  this  very  important  propo 
sition. 

"It  is  true,  that  some  weeks  ago,  and  before  the 
Oregon  question  became  a  grave  one,  Mr.  Polk  had 
tendered  this  mission  to  South  Carolina.1  What  his 
motives  were  for  this,  you  can  surmise  as  well  as  I. 

1  For  another  allusion  to  this  offer  of  the  English  mission  to 
Calhoun,  see  Benton,  Thirty  Years'  View,  II,  650. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        269 

But  I,  who  knew  the  relations  of  many  of  your  personal 
friends  towards  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  had  seen  the  Presi 
dent  resolutely  omit  to  place  Mr.  Calhoun  in  his  cab 
inet,  confess  that  I  thought  well  of  this  resolution.  But 
since  the  jealousy  with  England  has  occurred,  I  have 
reasoned  that  public  considerations  must  outweigh  all 
others;  and  have  found  myself  in  harmony  with  the 
President  and  others  in  thinking  that  you  are  the  man, 
to  bear  the  olive-branch  across  the  Atlantic. 

"You  have  been  President.  A  greater  reason  for 
your  selection.  You  would  assuredly  represent  the 
country.  In  Europe  the  prime  ministers  are  always 
selected  on  such  occasions.  Witness  Metternich  to 
Napoleon;  Guizot  lately  to  England;  and  Talleyrand, 
Marshall  Soult,  and  others.  On  great  occasions  the 
highest  men  are  to  be  taken;  where  war  is  to  be  averted, 
none  but  the  highest. 

"  I  must  quote  your  own  avowed  opinion  also.  Mr. 
Butler  told  me,  that  you  had  expressed  to  him  that  in 
your  view  an  Ex-President  could  be  honourably  em 
ployed  in  a  foreign  mission.1  It  was  not  till  since  the 
Oregon  difficulty  occurred  t  that  I  have  repeated  this 
remark  of  Mr.  Butler's;  and  added  the  belief  which 
he  will  confirm  to  you,  that  he  joins  with  me  in  the  hope 
of  your  accepting  the  mission  to  England.  We  are 
your  affectionate  friends,  and  we  entreat  that  you  will 
do  so.  The  President  eagerly  and  earnestly  proposed 
his  wish  to  see  you  in  that  station  the  first  moment,  that 

1  B.  F.  Butler,  of  New  York,  Attorney-General  under  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren,  subsequently  wrote  to  Bancroft  in  effect  that  he 
(Bancroft)  had  made  too  much  of  Van  Buren's  casual  remark. 


270  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

he  became  persuaded  of  your  receiving  the  suggestion 
as  a  subject  for  your  consideration  and  deliberate  de 
cision. 

"The  country  would  witness  your  acceptance  of  the 
post  with  unanimous  satisfaction.  It  would  be  taken 
as  evidence  that  American  rights  and  the  peace  of  the 
world  are  both  to  be  maintained.  The  joy  of  the  nation 
would  be  unmingled ;  and  what  right  have  you  to  with 
hold  yourself  from  rendering  most  essential  service  to 
the  continuance  of  peace  and  the  happiness  of  man 
kind? 

"You  once  were  in  England  and  were  rejected  by  a 
faction.  What  poetical  justice  in  returning  there  with 
the  undivided  acclamations  of  the  country! 

"You  owe  it  to  your  country  to  go.  Let  me  add, 
you  owe  it  to  yourself.  You  love  society;  from  the 
stations  you  have  filled  you  would  appear  in  England 
as  our  first  citizen,  and  would  be  welcomed  to  all  that 
there  is  there  of  refinement  and  hospitality. 

"The  expense  would  be  considerable;  but  the  outfit 
and  salary  and  your  private  income  would  place  at 
your  easy  disposal  twenty  thousand  a  year  for  a  couple 
of  years.  If  you  chose  to  remain  a  less  time,  the  propor 
tion  would  be  greater.  If  you  remained  longer,  the  ex 
pense  would  somewhat  diminish.  Do  you  laugh  as  you 
read  this  ?  The  lady  Angelica  and  I  have  reasoned  it 
out,  that  your  personal  happiness  for  life  will  be  im 
proved  by  an  excursion  to  England,  and  if  you  doubt, 
ask  Mr.  Butler,  or  ask  the  lady  herself. 

"It  is  due  to  Mr.  Polk  to  say,  that  if  I  write  this 
letter  to  you  instead  of  the  President,  it  is  at  my  per- 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        271 

sonal  solicitation.  His  own  mind  has  been  firm  in  its 
desire  of  seeing  you  in  the  post  proposed,  from  the  first 
moment  that  the  state  of  public  affairs  led  any  of  us 
to  think  that  your  services  might  properly  be  demanded 
in  the  name  of  the  country.  What  more  can  I  say  ?  If 
anything  can  be  added  to  make  the  suggestion  agree 
able  to  you,  you  may  safely  consider  it  as  uttered  by 
the  President,  and  reiterated  by  every  member  of  his 
cabinet. 

"With  most  affectionate  respect 
"Yours  ever 

"GEORGE  BANCROFT." 

Van  Buren's  answer  was  as  follows: 

From  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  to  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"LINDENWALD,  May  12th,  1845. 

"Your  kind  letter  conveying  to  me  the  desire  of  the 
President  that  I  should  accept  of  the  Mission  to  Eng 
land  was  duly  received,  as  was  also,  by  the  same  mail, 
one  from  Mr.  Butler  enclosing  a  communication  from 
the  President  to  him  of  like  import. 

"I  appreciate  very  highly  the  friendly  and  com 
plimentary  views,  which,  I  am  assured,  have  been 
taken  of  the  question,  in  connection  with  myself,  by 
the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  and  beg  you  to  make 
to  them  my  very  respectful  and  sincere  acknowledg 
ments  for  this  gratifying  proof  of  their  respect  and  con 
fidence. 

"It  can  scarcely  be  necessary  to  say  that  I  have  be- 


272  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

stowed  on  the  proposition  all  the  consideration  which 
is  due  to  the  gravity  and  importance  of  the  subject, 
influenced  by  an  unfeigned  desire  to  promote,  by  all 
proper  means,  the  patriotic  views  of  the  President  in 
regard  to  this  responsible  portion  of  his  official  duties. 
I  have  no  recollection  of  having  expressed  to  my  friend 
Mr.  Butler  the  opinion  to  which  you  allude,  yet,  if 
you  did  not  misunderstand  him,  I  doubtless  did  so; 
and  I  certainly  was  never  apprised  of  the  remaining 
portion  of  his  remarks  to  you  until  I  received  your 
letter.  I  have,  however,  no  hesitation  in  saying  that, 
in  my  opinion,  there  would  be  no  incompatibility  with 
his  former  position  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation,  for 
an  Ex-President  to  accept,  under  suitable  circum 
stances,  an  important  Foreign  Mission;  and  farther, 
that  an  emergency  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  might 
arise  and  be  presented  to  his  consideration  by  the 
Executive  which  would  make  it  his  imperative  duty. to 
overlook  minor  considerations,  and  devote  himself  to 
the  public  service  in  the  form  proposed,  at  almost  any 
expense  of  personal  feeling  or  preference  for  retirement. 
"I  am  however  obliged  to  inform  you,  that  after  a 
very  deliberate  consideration  of  the  case  as  presented 
in  the  letters  of  the  President  and  yourself,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  avowed  intentions  of  the  Govern 
ment  in  regard  to  that  branch  of  the  negotiations  which 
constitutes  at  least  the  ostensible  ground  of  the  recent 
outbreak  in  Parliament,  I  have  found  myself  unable  to 
regard  it  as  of  a  nature  to  make  the  acceptance  of  the 
proposed  Mission  on  my  part  either  a  duty  of  the 
character  I  have  described,  or,  under  the  circum- 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        273 

stances  by  which  its  present  offer  is  surrounded,  agree 
able.  You  may,  however,  inform  the  President,  and 
I  beg  you  to  do  so,  that  should  a  crisis  in  the  affairs  of 
the  country  like  that  to  which  I  have  alluded  here 
after  occur,  or  its  present  existence  be  made  manifest, 
and  in  which  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  public 
service  can  be  essentially  promoted  by  any  honourable 
efforts  of  mine,  they  will  not,  if  called  for,  be  withheld 
from  personal  considerations  of  any  description.  I 
would  on  the  contrary  rejoice  in  any  fair  opportunity 
to  repay,  in  part  at  least,  the  large  debt  of  gratitude 
which  I  owe  to  the  country,  in  a  form  which  shall  be 
free  from  misconstruction  or  reasonable  exceptions. 

"The  marked  and  warm  interest  you  have  mani 
fested  in  this  matter,  not  only  in  respect  to  its  public, 
but  also  to  its  personal  bearings  are  entitled  to  my  very 
grateful  acknowledgments.  Believe  me,  my  dear  sir, 
that  they  are  very  cordially  rendered,  and  that 
"I  am,  as  heretofore, 

"Your  sincere  friend 

"M.  VAN  BUREN. 

"P.  S.— I  send  this  through  Mr.  Butler  that  it  may 
perform  a  double  office." 

Having  served  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the  Polk  ad 
ministration  in  its  dealings  with  a  living  ex-President, 
it  soon  fell  to  Bancroft's  lot  to  pronounce  the  official 
eulogy  upon  a  dead  leader.  On  June  8,  1845,  Andrew 
Jackson  died.  On  June  27th,  there  was  a  commemora 
tion,  in  Washington,  of  his  death,  and  Bancroft  was  the 
orator  of  the  day.  The  capacity  for  formulating  demo- 


274  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

cratic  doctrine  which  had  made  Bancroft  so  valuable 
to  his  party  in  Massachusetts  now  stood  him  in  good 
stead.  There  could  have  been  no  more  congenial  task 
than  to  celebrate  and  interpret  the  life  of  the  dem 
ocratic  chieftain.  With  reference  to  Jackson's  death 
it  has  been  said  that "  only  those  who  had  felt  his  favours 
came  forward  to  pronounce  his  eulogy."1  The  extent  of 
Bancroft's  direct  indebtedness  to  Jackson  seems  to 
have  been  that  Bancroft,  by  Jackson's  special  direction, 
was  to  have  access  to  the  biographical  papers  com 
mitted  to  Amos  Kendall  and  used  by  him  in  preparing 
his  Life  of  Jackson.2  The  biography  which  it  was 
hoped  Bancroft  would  write  was  never  written,  and  of 
course  his  history  stopped  far  short  of  Jackson's  time. 
To  the  oration  alone,  then,  we  must  look  for  Bancroft's 
estimate  of  Jackson.  Of  the  orator  as  such,  an  his 
torian  of  the  Polk  administration  wrote  immediately 
upon  its  close:  "As  a  speaker  his  manner  is  not  pre 
possessing.  Nature  has  not  favoured  him  with  a  rich 
and  melodious  voice,  or  a  dignified  and  attractive 
presence.  But  the  gorgeous  imagery  and  the  sparkling 
gems  which  ornament  his  language,  gild  the  philosoph 
ical  thought  and  classical  erudition,  and  display  the 
intellectual  wealth  which  years  of  research  have  enabled 
him  to  acquire."  3  The  Jackson  oration  is,  indeed,  one 
of  the  most  characteristic  and  effective  specimens  of 
Bancroft's  "  occasional "  utterances.  In  a  day  of  florid 

1  See  History  of  the  United  States,  by  James  Schouler,  Vol.  IV 
p.  504,  note. 

2  Van  Buren  Mss.  (October,  1837),  Library  of  Congress. 

3  See  The  Polk  Administration,  by  Lucien  B.  Chase,  p.  25. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        275 

oratory,  it  had  all  the  floridity  natural  to  Bancroft's 
style;  and  beneath  the  ornamented  surface  there  was 
the  substance  of  genuine  sympathy  with  democratic 
principles  and  their  most  eminent  exemplar.  It  is 
altogether  a  significant  expression  of  Bancroft  the  man 
of  letters  in  relation  to  his  party. 

The  enduring  monument  of  Bancroft's  work  in  the 
Cabinet  of  Polk  is  found  rather  in  what  he  did  than  in 
anything  he  said.  The  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis 
owes  its  inception  to  Bancroft's  administrative  ability. 
The  need  of  a  school  for  naval  officers  had  long  been 
recognised,  but  the  recommendations  of  many  secre 
taries  had  been  of  no  avail.  When  Bancroft  took 
charge  of  the  Navy  Department,  the  school  seemed 
almost  as  far  in  the  future  as  ever.  On  October  10, 
1845,  it  was  formally  opened. 

"Thus  it  was,"  says  the  historian  of  the  Naval  Acad 
emy,  in  a  passage  which  need  be  neither  abridged  nor 
expanded,  "that  in  four  months  after  the  first  incep 
tion  of  the  plan,  and  less  than  eight  months  after  as 
suming  the  duties  of  his  office,  Secretary  Bancroft  was 
enabled  to  present  to  the  country  a  fully-organised 
academy,  in  efficient  working  order,  which  was  destined 
to  do  for  the  Navy  what  West  Point  had  so  long  done 
for  the  Army.  He  had  accomplished  during  a  single 
recess  of  Congress  what  his  predecessors  had  for  thirty 
years  in  vain  attempted  to  secure  by  legislation;  and 
it  had  been  done  simply  by  a  more  judicious  application 
of  the  means  which  Congress  had  already  provided. 
In  his  annual  report  of  December  1,  1845,  he  stated 
briefly  the  steps  he  had  taken: 


276  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

'"  Congress,  in  its  great  desire  to  improve  the  Navy, 
had  permitted  the  Department  to  employ  professors  and 
instructors  at  an  annual  cost  of  $28,200;  and  it  had 
been  used,  besides  the  few  employed  at  the  receiving- 
ships  and  the  Naval  Asylum,  to  send  professors  with 
the  midshipmen  to  every  ocean  and  every  clime.  But 
the  ship  is  not  friendly  to  study,  and  the  office  of  profes 
sor  rapidly  declined  into  a  sinecure;  often  not  so  much 
was  done  as  the  elder  officers  would  cheerfully  do  for 
their  juniors.  The  teachers  on  board  of  the  receiving- 
ships  gave  little  instruction,  or  none  whatever;  so  that 
the  expenditure  was  fruitless  of  great  results.  Many  of 
the  professors  were  able  and  willing,  but  the  system 
was  a  bad  one.  The  idea  naturally  suggested  itself  of 
seizing  the  time  when  the  midshipmen  are  on  shore  and 
appropriating  it  to  their  culture.  Instead  of  sending 
migratory  professors  to  sea  with  each  handful  of  mid 
shipmen,  the  midshipmen  themselves,  in  the  intervals 
between  sea-duty,  might  be  collected  in  a  body  and  de 
vote  their  time  to  suitable  instruction.  For  the  pay  of 
the  instructors  Congress  has  provided.  In  looking  out 
for  a  modest  shelter  for  the  pupils,  I  was  encouraged 
to  ask  for  Fort  Severn,  at  Annapolis.  The  transfer  was 
readily  made  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  a 
school  was  immediately  organised  on  an  unostentatious 
and  frugal  plan.  This  institution,  by  giving  some  pre 
liminary  instruction  to  the  midshipmen  before  their 
first  cruise;  by  extending  an  affectionate  but  firm 
supervision  over  them  as  they  return  from  sea;  by 
providing  them  suitable  culture  before  they  pass  to  a 
higher  grade;  by  rejecting  from  the  service  all  who  fail 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY         277 

in  capacity  or  in  good  disposition  to  use  their  time  well, 
will  go  far  to  renovate  and  improve  the  American  Navy. 
"The  plan  pursued  has  been  unpretending,  but  it 
is  hoped  will  prove  efficient.  A  few  professors  give 
more  and  better  instruction  than  four-and-twenty  at 
sea.  No  supernumerary  officer  has  been  ordered  to 
Annapolis;  no  idle  man  is  attached  to  the  establish 
ment.  Commander  Buchanan,  to  whom  the  organi 
sation  of  the  school  was  intrusted,  has  carried  his 
instructions  into  effect  with  precision  and  sound 
judgment,  and  with  a  wise  adaptation  of  simple  and 
moderate  means  to  a  great  and  noble  end/  "  l 

With  Bancroft  Hall  as  the  central  structure  of  the 
imposing  buildings  in  which  the  officers  of  the  new 
navy  receive  their  first  professional  training,  the  debt  of 
the  country  to  the  Secretary  who  founded  the  Academy 
will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  Of  another  administrative 
matter  which  claimed  his  attention  we  have  also  his 
own  account: 

"When  I  became  Secretary  of  the  Navy,"  he  wrote 
to  Dr.  S.  A.  Allibone,  October  11,  1856,  "the  Observ 
atory  was  already  in  existence  and  under  the  superin 
tendence  of  Maury.  It  was  then  known  officially  as 
the  Depot  for  Charts,  but  Congress  had  not  expressly 
sanctioned  the  Observatory  by  name.  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams 
still  cherished  the  hope  of  being  the  founder  of  a 
National  Observatory.  In  conjunction  with  Lieut. 
Maury  and  taking  counsel  also  of  the  best  scientific 

1  See  Historical  Sketch  of  the  United  States  Naval  Academy,  By 
James  Russell  Soley,  pp.  74-76. 


278  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1845-1846 

men,  I  got  large  appropriations  for  the  Institution,  in 
troduced  under  Mr.  Maury,  scientific  men,  for  exam 
ple  Sears  Walker,  and  in  a  word  did  all  I  could  to  carry 
forward  and  perfect  what  I  found  begun.  I  have  no 
right  to  be  called  in  any  sense  the  Originator  of  the 
Observatory.  But  I  contributed  my  part  while  in 
office,  to  procure  for  it  so  complete  instruments  and 
observers,  as  superseded  Mr.  Adams'  scheme,  as  he 
himself  once  said  to  me." 

While  Bancroft  in  his  public  capacity  was  achieving 
the  establishment  of  the  Naval  Academy,  his  private 
life  was  shadowed  by  the  illness  and  death  of  the  only 
child  of  his  second  marriage.  This  daughter,  Susan 
Jackson,  was  born  May  30,  1839.  Letters  of  1845  from 
Bancroft  in  Washington  to  his  wife  in  Boston  betray 
much  anxiety  about  the  child's  health.  In  October  her 
mother  stopped  with  her  in  Philadelphia  on  the  way 
to  Washington.  There  her  illness  became  critical,  and, 
despite  the  best  of  care  in  that  city  of  skilful  physi 
cians,  she  died.  The  two  sons  of  the  first  marriage 
were  at  school  in  Roxbury.  Their  older  sister,  Louisa, 
now  a  girl  of  twelve,  had  the  nurture  both  of  her 
mother's  family  in  Springfield  and  of  her  father's 
household  in  Washington.  The  two  sons  of  Mrs.  Ban 
croft,  William  and  Alexander  Bliss,  were  members  re 
spectively  of  the  classes  of  1846  and  1847  at  Harvard 
College.  It  was  hardly  possible,  in  all  the  circum 
stances,  for  Mrs.  Bancroft  to  make  the  Washington 
house  at  this  time  so  much  a  centre  of  social  activity  as 
the  home  of  Bancroft  generally  was. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        279 

Bancroft's  personal  letters  in  this  period  do  not 
throw  all  the  light  one  could  wish  upon  the  great  events 
of  Folk's  administration.  With  the  Walker  Tariff  and 
the  Independent  Treasury,  both  established  in  1846, 
he  had,  as  head  of  the  Navy  Department,  but  a  second 
ary  concern.  When  he  left  the  Cabinet  after  eighteen 
months  of  service  the  Mexican  war  was  still  unfinished, 
the  Oregon  boundary  controversy  was  settled.  The  fol 
lowing  letters,  dealing  more  fully  with  the  second  of  these 
subjects  than  with  the  first,  have  their  historical  value : 

To  WILLIAM  STURGIS. 

"WASHINGTON,  August  25,  1845. 

"...  I  am  sorry  you  did  not  see  Mr.  McLane.1 
It  would,  however,  have  had  no  effect  on  the  general 
subject,  as  I  had  conversed  with  him  before  he  went 
and  possessed  him  of  your  views.  The  difficulty  lies 
in  England's  watching  the  progress  of  this  country  with 
fear,  apprehension,  and  jealousy :  and  she  will  find  her 
self  on  the  Oregon  question  as  impotent  as  on  that  of 
Texas.  The  present  and  all  future  colonists  of  Oregon 
prefer  connection  with  a  government  that  leaves  them 
to  govern  themselves  to  one  with  a  government  that 
asserts  authority.  If  all  Oregon  were  ceded  to  Eng 
land  today,  she  could  not  keep  it.  Her  interest  for  an 
arrangement  is  greater  than  ours.  She  deceives  herself 
by  the  consciousness  of  her  naval  superiority;  but  her 
ships  would  be  powerless.  They  could  enter  a  harbour, 
but  how  could  they  occupy  it  ?  The  solitude  of  Nootka 

1  Louis  McLane,  U.  S.  Minister  to  England. 


280  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

Sound  after  a  half  century's  pretended  occupation, 
should  teach  wisdom.  But  wisdom  is  not  taught  in 
advance;  England  may  yet  be  compelled  to  learn  it  by 
a  destiny  which  she  cannot  control.  Meantime  you 
and  I  have  done  our  duty  faithfully,  and  should  have 
written  on  our  tombs,  'Here  lie  men  who  gave  good 
advice  affecting  the  peace  of  the  world."3 

To  Louis  McLANE. 

"WASHINGTON,  December  12,  1845. 

"Mr.  Robert  Lemon,  for  whom  I  enclose  a  letter,  is 
the  chief  clerk  in  the  State  Paper  Office,  and  by  the 
permission  of  the  British  Secretary  of  State,  makes 
copies  for  me  of  old  documents,  relating  to  American 
history.  During  the  period  of  Mr.  Everett's  stay  in 
England  I  received  from  him  constantly  parcels,  which 
came  to  me  in  the  Despatch  Bag  of  the  Department. 
If  he  sends  you  any  for  me,  may  I  rely  on  you  to  send 
them  to  me  in  that  way,  or  in  any  other,  that  may 
seem  more  appropriate? 

"We  are  here  at  the  opening  of  a  Congress,  which 
confides  in  the  Executive  more  fully,  than  has  ever 
been  the  case  within  my  memory.  The  temperate  tone 
of  Mr.  Buchanan,  combined  with  the  clear  enunciation 
of  American  Principles  by  the  President,  has  con 
ciliated  the  good  sense  of  the  country  to  the  side  of  the 
administration,  and  the  decisive  and  astonishingly 
successful  result  of  the  Texan  Negotiation  has  given  it 
the  character  of  good  fortune.  Slidell,  our  minister  in 
Mexico,  an  excellent  French  and  Spanish  scholar,  may 
arrange  all  our  affairs  with  that  power,  almost  before 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        281 

Europe  is  aware  of  the  renewal  of  the  negotiations. 
But  this  may  be  too  much  to  hope. 

"A  few  weeks  ago  a  letter  came  to  me  from  Mr. 
Edward  Everett,  desiring  the  President's  permission  to 
write  a  letter  to  Lord  Aberdeen  on  our  affairs  in  Oregon. 
I  simply  read  the  letter  to  the  President,  and  as  from 
myself,  without  asking  the  President  to  interfere,  de 
clined  presenting  his  request.  It  sometimes  occurs  to 
me,  that  Mr.  E's  too  great  willingness  to  accommodate 
matters  with  England,  may  have  increased  the  ex 
pectation  of  terms  on  our  part,  that  this  country  would 
reject  with  unanimity.  If  anything  can  bring  England 
to  a  modest  and  sensible  vew  of  the  subject,  I  think  it 
must  be  the  vast  superiority  displayed  by  Buchanan  in 
his  papers  with  Pakenham,  and  the  mixture  of  calmness 
and  love  of  peace  with  fearlessness  and  decision  in  the 
President's  message.  The  success  of  that  document  is 
astonishingly  great  on  this  side  the  water.  For  one, 
I  hope  Great  Britain  will  take  such  steps  as  may  lead 
to  a  final,  peaceful  settlement  of  the  whole  matter  on 
an  equitable  basis.  Such,  I  think,  is  the  desire  and  I 
may  say,  the  hope,  of  a  great  majority:  but  so  sure  as 
Great  Britain  continues  in  the  same  tone  of  unreason 
able  demand,  the  country  will  with  great  unanimity, 
nerve  itself  for  the  crisis.  One  of  the  oddities  is,  that 
John  Quincy  Adams  is  vehement  for  insisting  upon 
54°  40',  and  openly  declares,  he  would  not  yield  to 
Britain  a  foot  of  land  on  what  he  calls  the  South  Seas. 

"Meantime  the  Whig  press,  in  their  zeal  to  counter 
act  the  almost  unanimous  approval  of  the  President's 
course,  is  busy  in  raising  apprehensions  of  sudden  war, 


282  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1845-1846 

as  though  England  would  strike  in  the  moment  of 
excitement.  .  .  ." 


To  Louis  McLANE. 

"WASHINGTON,  March  29,  1846. 

"...  Our  affairs  with  Mexico  appear  to  be  going  on 
very  well.  We  have  a  great  naval  force  at  Mazatlan, 
from  which  our  dates  come  down  to  Feb.  11.  Were 
Mexico  to  venture  on  war,  every  port  from  San  Fran 
cisco  to  Acapulco  lies  open  to  our  ships.  In  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  we  have  a  still  larger  force;  and  our  little 
army  of  occupation  is  advancing  to  the  Del  Norte.  No 
resistance  is  apprehended ;  and  in  Mexico  itself  a  better 
spirit  toward  us  is  prevailing.  The  people  may  dislike 
the  United  States,  but  they  dislike  monarchy  more; 
and  the  open  suggestions  of  placing  a  European  prince 
on  a  throne  to  be  erected  there,  has  created  a  party  in 
favour  of  peace  with  the  United  States.  The  prospect 
of  an  adjustment  is  better  than  ever. 

"  In  respect  to  Oregon,  all  eyes  are  turned  across  the 
Atlantic.  The  determination  to  give  the  'Notice'  is  so 
strong,  that  Calhoun  is  left  almost  alone,  and  has  been 
compelled  to  make  personal  appeals  to  his  political 
friends  to  sustain  him.  The  notice  will  pass  and  with 
out  a  clause  indicating  a  compromise. 

"Shall  I  tell  how  the  debate  has  been  conducted? 
Mr.  Allen  began  earnestly  for  54-40  and  no  compromise. 
Mr.  Crittenden  for  notice  and  negotiation;  and  in  this 
is  sustained  by  Clayton.  Mr.  Colquitt,  from  Cal- 
houn's  wing,  (Calhoun  being  by  the  force  of  public 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        283 

opinion  compelled  to  change  his  original  ground  which 
was  opposition  to  the  notice)  proposed  notice  and  com 
promise.  This  exasperated  Benton,  who  has  always 
been  for  49.  'What/  said  he,  ' shall  Calhoun  have  the 
glory  of  leading  the  Senate  to  a  result  ?'  and  he  insisted 
on  peace  between  Allen  and  the  friends  of  the  Ad 
ministration,  and  Crittenden,  Clayton  and  that  branch 
of  the  whigs.  This  movement  of  Benton's  will,  in 
some  form,  be  successful,  and  within  a  fortnight  either 
the  notice,  in  a  form  satisfactory  to  Benton,  will  pass 
the  Senate,  with  great  unanimity  by  consent,  or  the 
House  Notice  will  pass  by  a  small  majority. 

" Calhoun  is  in  great  distress  of  mind;  and  feels 
conscious  of  errour,  with  too  much  pride  to  confess  it. 

"You  know  the  views  I  expressed  to  you  without 
reserve  before  you  left.  I  have  not  changed  my  view 
a  hair's  breadth  during  the  whole  negotiation.  As  to 
what  would  be  acceptable  here,  as  far  as  public  opinion 
goes,  49  ceding  Quadra  and  Vancouver's  island,  and 
ceding  for  seven  or  ten  years  the  navigation  of  the 
Columbia,  will  be  sustained.  But  that  is  the  limit. 
On  the  question  of  permanent  navigation  of  the  Co 
lumbia,  many  of  the  Whigs  would  give  way:  but  the 
country  never.  Neither  can  it  be  of  weight  to  England. 
For  do  but  look  at  our  policy.  We  keep  all  our  gates 
open.  The  importations  for  Montreal  come  through 
New  York  freely;  there  is  no  duty;  transit  is  free:  as 
to  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Champlain  and  the  New 
York  canal,  England  enjoys  the  free  navigation  of 
them  all,  as  a  voluntary  act  of  our  legislation.  This 
administration  further  proposes  to  let  Montreal  export 


284  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1845-1846 

by  way  of  New  York.  Why  should  England  stipu 
late  by  a  treaty  for  a  free  transit,  which  she  will  have 
from  our  own  policy?  For  one,  I  am  convinced, 
America  should  not  surrender  the  free  navigation, 
and  that  England  has  no  motive  to  press  a  demand 
for  it. 

"  Congress  is  beginning  to  wake  up,  on  the  subject  of 
defences.  But  I  do  not  believe  that  much  will  be  done. 
The  tone  of  the  President's  last  message,  will,  I  think, 
strike  you  as  very  good.  The  effect  here  has  been 
excellent.  .  .  . 

"The  universal  opinion  here  is,  that  our  country  is 
not  to  make  an  offer.  Since  the  President  offered  49, 
England  has  offered  nothing.  As  far  as  the  record 
appears,  she  plants  herself  in  the  Columbia  River. 
Many  private  rumours  suggest  that  England  is  willing 
to  recede;  I  have  had  one  letter  that  admits  no  other 
inference;  but  she  has  not  said  so.  It  seems  but  the 
dictate  of  common  sense,  that  England,  if  she  disap 
proves  the  rejection  of  our  offer  by  Pakenham,  should 
herself  renew  a  proposition.  If  she  doesn't,  we  shall 
undoubtedly  go  forward  and  colonise  the  Pacific  coast 
without  further  ado.  If  she  makes  the  offer  that 
there  is  some  reason  to  anticipate,  the  arrangement  will 
be  confirmed  by  every  Senator  excepting  twelve  or 
eight.  .  .  . 

"[P.  S.]  That  the  repeal  of  the  corn-laws  is  the 
commencement  of  a  political  reform  in  England, 
!  appears  to  me  too  clear  to  admit  of  a  doubt.  The 
corn-laws  formed  the  central  point  of  their  old  aris 
tocracy." 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        285 

To  Louis  McLANE. 

"  WASHINGTON,  June  23,  1846. 
".  .  .  Others  will  write  you.  Gen.  Armstrong  will 
take  to  you  the  chief  topics  of  conversation,  and  public 
interest.  I  beg  leave  to  express  to  you  the  very  great 
satisfaction  felt  here  in  all  quarters,  at  the  able,  digni 
fied  and  successful  manner  in  which  you  have  carried 
on  your  part  of  the  late  negotiations,  which,  in  their 
importance,  are  not  surpassed  by  any  of  the  last  thirty 
years  of  our  history.  Those  who  have  read  your  let 
ters  are  unanimous  in  this  opinion,  and  those  who  have 
not,  award  to  you  applause  on  just  grounds  of  faith. 
The  conduct  of  the  President  throughout  has  been 
calm,  wise,  and  resolute.  It  took  three  or  four  days  to 
get  the  proposition  to  refer  the  treaty  to  the  Senate 
adopted  with  absolute  unanimity  as  to  the  measure  and 
the  form  of  language.  But  unanimity  in  the  cabinet 
was  obtained,  and  in  the  country  the  satisfaction  is 
greater  than  I  can  easily  express  to  you.  The  few  who 
make  a  clamour,  excite  no  attention,  and  are  met  by  the 
public  with  rebuke  or  with  indifference.  Gen.  Cass  is 
considerably  chagrined,  he  having  met  with  less  sym 
pathy  than  was  expected,  and  having  got  more  inti 
mately  connected  with  the  Fifty  Four  forties  than  he  had 
designed.  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  was  rumoured  to  have 
been  opposed  to  his  colleagues,  has  publicly  authorised 
a  denial  of  it,  and  his  friends  justly  assert,  that  the 
form  adopted  for  the  President's  message  to  the  Senate, 
met  his  entire  approbation.  He  goes  upon  the  bench 
to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey 


286  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

circuit.1  But  of  this  the  public  is  as  yet  uninformed. 
The  President,  I  think,  will  meet  with  a  little  difficulty 
in  filling  your  place,  exactly  to  his  mind.  A  most  re 
spectable  selection  from  the  north  can  be  made;  but  I 
doubt,  if  the  person  in  view,  who  is  a  most  worthy  and 
honourable  man,  will  feel  at  liberty  to  leave  the  country 
at  this  time.  Nor  will  it  be  easy  to  satisfy  all  in  the 
selection  for  France.  But  neither  of  these  presses  on 
present  attention  so  much  as  the  post  of  Premier;  in 
the  filling  of  which  I  hope  you  will  be  taken  to  counsel. 
Rumour  has  been  sending  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to 
shiver  in  the  swamps  of  Petersburg;  but  there  is  no 
truth  in  that.  It  may  be  that  Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll 
has  been  thought  of  for  that  post;  at  least  before  his 
controversy  about  Webster,  in  the  latter  part  of  which 
he  is  generally  thought  not  to  have  had  the  best  of  it. 
Yet  his  talents,  his  activity,  and  the  friendly  expression 
which  preceded  his  personal  quarrel,  and  the  fidelity 
of  the  Democratic  party  to  its  friends,  all  may  unite  in 
designating  him  still  for  a  foreign  post. 
t 'Very  faithfully  yours 

"  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

[P.  S.]  "For  your  edification,  I  send  you  the  first 
newspaper  printed  at  Matamoras.  I  hope  the  Levant 
is  now  in  the  harbor  of  Monterey,  and  the  Warren  at 
San  Francisco.  Our  people  consider  California  and 
New  Mexico  as  ours.  They  will  not  easily  consent  to 
give  them  up.  Mexico  is  in  a  state  of  disintegration, 

1  Buchanan,  on  the  contrary,  remained  Secretary  of  State 
through  Folk's  administration;  then  he  retired  from  public  life 
until  Pierce  appointed  him  minister  to  England  in  1853. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        287 

which  may  render  it  necessary,  in  the  pursuit  of  peace, 
to  deal  with  her,  province  by  province,  state  by  state." 

Bancroft's  personal  relation  to  the  Mexican  war  and 
its  conduct  is  a  matter  both  of  private  and  of  public 
record.  On  the  event  which  led  to  it,  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  his  political  opinion  was  defined  before  he 
was  called  to  the  national  councils.  The  Boston  Times, 
of  March  13,  1845,  rejoicing  in  its  editorial  column 
at  Bancroft's  appointment  to  the  Cabinet,  recalled  his 
advocacy  of  annexation  at  a  time  when  other  mem 
bers  of  a  democratic  convention  at  Worcester  thought 
it  would  be  fatal  to  the  party  in  Massachusetts.  "We 
were  present,"  said  the  writer,  "and  well  recollect  the 
occasion,  and  the  intenseness  of  feeling  manifested. 
The  subject  had  not  then  recommended  itself  to  our 
democracy  so  much  as  could  have  been  desired.  Mr. 
Bancroft  took  the  floor,,  and  with  a  depth  of  reasoning, 
power  of  grasp,  and  felicity  of  illustration,  explained 
the  bearings  of  annexation  on  our  social,  political  and 
commercial  interests.  His  eloquence  flowed  like  a 
clear-running  stream,  and  the  cogency  of  his  arguments 
carried  conviction  to  every  mind.  He  pleaded,  to  use 
his  own  beautiful  figure,  for  the  extension  of  the  'area 
of  freedom/  and  he  was  successful.  Those  views  were 
subsequently  incorporated  in  the  letter  which  he  ad 
dressed  to  the  democracy  on  accepting  the  nomination 
for  Governor,  and  its  tenor*  is  well  and  favourably 
known  throughout  the  Union." 

When  he  joined  the  Cabinet  his  view  of  the  Mexican 
situation  was  summed  up  in  a  letter  to  a  correspondent 


288  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

in  New  York:  "You  are  quite  right  in  supposing  the 
disposition  of  this  government  towards  Mexico  to  be 
of  the  most  conciliatory  character.  ...  I  hope  war  is 
permanently  out  of  fashion  in  the  civilised  world;  but 
at  least  I  hope  and  trust  that  that  savage  custom  is 
not  to  intrude  itself  into  the  relations  of  American 
republics  with  each  other."  1 

Less  than  a  week  after  writing  this  letter  Bancroft 
found  himself,  by  the  President's  order  of  May  31,  1845, 
Acting  Secretary  of  War  during  a  temporary  absence  of 
Secretary  Marcy.  On  May  28th  Marcy  had  written  to 
General  Zachary  Taylor,  at  Fort  Jesup,  Louisiana,  a 
letter  preparing  him  for  an  important  communication 
which  Bancroft  was  destined  to  write.  This  was  no 
less  than  an  order  2  (June  15,  1845) — anticipating  the 
action  of  Texas  which  should  make  it  a  State  of  the 
Union — to  make  a  forward  movement  to  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas,  with  a  view  to  occupying  a  site  "best 
adapted  to  repel  invasion,  and  to  protect  what,  in  the 
event  of  annexation,  will  be  our  western  border.  You 
will  limit  yourself,"  the  order  continued,  "to  the  de 
fence  of  the  territory  of  Texas,  unless  Mexico  should 
declare  war  against  the  United  States."  As  the  Mex 
icans  still  considered  the  territory  into  which  Taylor 
advanced  a  part  of  Mexico,  it  was  this  "forward  move 
ment,"  ordered  by  Bancroft  as  the  temporary  head  of 
the  War  Department,  which  precipitated  the  Mexican 
war. 

1  To  Henry  Wikoff,  May  12,  1845. 

2  See  Executive  Documents,  1st  Session,  30th  Congress,  No.  60, 
p.  81. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        289 

Two  passages  from  letters  of  December  10,  1845, 
are  illuminative.  To  Commodore  Perry  Bancroft 
wrote:  "We  are  jogging  on  quietly  this  winter,  not 
anticipating  war.  Yet  it  may  come  when  least  ex 
pected.  In  that  event,  I  am  glad  to  believe  our  navy 
has  officers  capable  of  maintaining  its  glory  as  it  was 
in  its  best  days."  On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Com 
modore  Conner  at  Pensacola:  "We  all  hope  Mexico 
will  agree  to  a  peace:  and  we  are  all  well  satisfied  with 
the  prudence  and  good  judgment  with  which  you  have 
conducted  your  affairs .  Pray  keep  the  vessels  so  that 
we  can  constantly  hear  from  Mr.  Slidell  without  in 
terruption." 

When  President  Polk  received  the  news  of  the  con 
flict  between  American  and  Mexican  arms  which  led 
him  to  recommend  a  declaration  of  war,  Bancroft  was 
the  only  member  of  his  Cabinet  who  had  not  supported 
his  determination  upon  this  course.  Yet  the  actual 
recommendation  was  made,  May  11,  1846,  with  the 
concurrence  of  all  the  Cabinet.1  Congress  immediately 
recognised  the  existence  of  war  with  Mexico,  and  it 
fell  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  issue  the  order 
which  rendered  operative  one  of  the  worst  mistakes 
of  judgment  made  by  the  Polk  administration.  On 
May  13th  Bancroft  wrote  to  Commodore  Conner: 
"If  Santa  Anna  endeavours  to  enter  the  Mexican 
ports  you  will  allow  him  to  pass  freely."  2  When  the 

1  See  The  American  Nation:  A  History.    Vol.  XVII.    "West 
ward  Expansion,"  by  George  Pierce  Garrison,  pp.  204-205. 

2  Executive  Documents  1st  Session,  30th  Congress,  No.   60,  p. 
774.     See  also,  Von  Hoist,  III.,  281. 


290  GEORGE  BANCROFT        [1845-1846 

exile  did  return  from  Havana,  it  was  not,  as  the 
Washington  administration  hoped,  to  bring  peace 
nearer,  but  to  raise  fresh  obstacles  of  warfare  and 
bloodshed. 

In  achieving  the  most  important  result  of  the  Mex 
ican  war,  the  acquisition  of  California,  the  navy  played 
of  necessity  a  leading  role.  The  series  of  orders  issued 
by  Bancroft  to  Commodore  Sloat,  commanding  our 
ships  in  the  Pacific,  may  be  followed  by  the  student  of 
the  conflict.  They  reveal  the  Secretary  clearly  fore 
seeing  the  possibility  of  war,  directing  the  policy  and 
actions  of  the  commander  in  the  event  of  its  outbreak, 
and  when  it  came,  urging  upon  him  more  activity  than 
he  showed  in  the  carrying  out  of  his  instructions.  In 
fulfilment  of  these  orders  Monterey,  San  Francisco  and 
other  California  towns  were  taken,  though  too  slowly 
to  satisfy  the  Washington  authorities.1 

From  Bancroft's  private  letters  during  the  progress 
of  these  events,  three  extracts  may  be  made.  On  June 
16, 1846,  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Hooper  of  Boston :  "  From 
the  best  judgment  I  can  form,  Commodore  Sloat  could 
not  have  heard  of  hostilities  before  May  17,  perhaps 
not  so  soon.  Within  three  weeks  after  that,  our  flag 
ought  to  have  been  flying  at  Monterey  and  San  Fran 
cisco.  ...  I  hope  California  is  now  in  our  possession, 
never  to  be  given  up.  We  were  driven  reluctantly  to 
war;  we  must  make  a  solid  peace;  that  shall  open  the 

'See  H.  H.  Bancroft,  California,  Vol.  V.,  Chaps,  ix.  and  x.; 
Westward  Expansion,  Garrison,  232,  233,  and  George  Bancroft  and 
his  Services  to  California,  Memorial  Address,  delivered  May  12, 
1891,  before  the  California  Historical  Society,  by  Theodore  H. 
Hittell 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        291 

far  west  to  religious  freedom,  political  rights,  schools, 
commerce  and  industry.  The  time  will  come  when  you 
may  pass  on  railroads  and  steamers  from  Boston  to 
San  Francisco."  To  the  same  correspondent  he  wrote, 
June  22d:  "If  Mexico  makes  peace  this  month  the 
Rio  del  Norte  and  the  parallel  of  35°  may  do  as  a 
boundary;  after  that  32°  which  will  include  San  Diego." 

On  August  22,  1846,  he  wrote  to  Daniel  Webster: 
"We  have  a  great  deal  of  news  from  Mexico  today; 
Bravo  is  unwilling  to  act  as  President;  Paredes  delays 
going  north;  the  army  sent  to  reduce  the  insurgents  in 
the  Province  of  Jalisco  defeated  and  its  general  slain; 
the  province  of  Vera  Cruz  in  revolt;  the  Federalists 
unwilling  to  receive  Santa  Anna;  the  most  sensible 
people  in  Mexico  desirous  of  peace.  I  hope  we  shall 
have  it  soon." 

When  this  was  written  Bancroft's  retirement  from  the 
Navy  Department  was  near  at  hand,  and  for  more  than 
a  year  the  war  was  to  continue.  In  its  conduct  by 
Polk  and  his  Cabinet,  Bancroft's  course  was  that  of  a 
faithful  member  of  the  official  family.  His  part  in 
directing  a  war  so  distasteful  to  his  native  New  England 
added  nothing  to  his  popularity  there.  But  his  aim 
was  to  be  rather  a  national  than  a  New  England  states 
man.  It  was  his  own  feeling  in  later  life  that  he  had 
never  received  enough  credit  for  the  part  he  played  in 
adding  California  to  the  Union.1 

On  September  9,  1846,  Bancroft  ceased  to  be  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy.  His  administration  of  the  depart- 

1  Notes  of  conversation  with  Prof.  W.  M.  Sloane,  November, 
1905. 


292  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1845-1846 

ment  had  not  been  wholly  popular  in  the  service  itself, 
and  in  the  last  month  of  his  holding  office  the  Senate 
had  rebuffed  him  by  failing  to  confirm  some  nomina 
tions  of  his  making.  The  following  extract  from  the 
New  York  Evening  Post,  immediately  after  his  retire 
ment,  suggests  at  once  the  grounds  of  opposition  to 
him  and  the  merits  of  his  official  course: 

"Mr.  Bancroft  has  retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  be  the  representative  of  the  nation  at  the 
Court  of  England.  While  Secretary  he  had  many  op 
ponents,  and  there  are  very  many  unable  to  appreciate 
what  he  recommended  to  be  done  for  the  navy.  He 
seems  to  have  viewed  the  navy  as  belonging  to  the 
country,  and  not  to  any  one  grade  of  officers  in  it;  and 
under  this  view  he  wisely  urged  that  promotions  should 
not  be  made  solely  by  seniority,  but  a  careful  dis 
crimination  should  be  had  as  to  capability.  Where 
within  his  power,  his  appointments  to  command  and 
to  subordinate  places  were  made  with  reference  to  the 
fitness  of  the  individual,  with  little  regard  to  the  age 
of  his  commission.  The  effect  of  such  principles  were 
to  stimulate  all  to  deserve  the  approbation  of  the  Secre 
tary,  and  cause  the  work  given  them  for  execution  to  be 
better  done.  Let  not  these  broad  principles  be  too 
lightly  laid  aside.  Consider  the  interests  of  the  ser 
vants  of  the  people,  but  do  not  forget  those  of  the 
people  themselves." 

The  preference  of  Bancroft  for  a  diplomatic  post  in 
which  he  could  press  forward  his  historical  labours  has 
been  made  clear  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter. 


1845-1846]  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY        293 

From  the  diary  of  Polk  l  we  learn  that  after  it  was  ar 
ranged  to  give  him  the  French  mission  in  the  spring 
of  1847  he  chose  the  English,  in  which  McLane  had 
already  remained  longer  than  he  wished, — so  that  Ban 
croft  had  to  assume  its  duties  in  the  autumn  of  1846. 
Thus,  at  the  age  of  forty-six,  he  came  to  the  mission 
which  he  had  urged,  not  many  months  before,  upon 
an  ex-president.  His  devotion  to  the  work  upon  his 
History  even  throughout  the  busiest  days  of  transition 
from  one  high  official  employment  to  another  may  be 
inferred  from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  his 
wife  written  while  he  was  travelling  from  Washington 
to  Boston.  It  is  postmarked  Albany,  and  dated  Sep 
tember  30,  1846:  "I  go  this  morning  to  Kinderhook, 
and  tomorrow  morning  to.  Springfield.  Friday  last  I 
was  at  Monmouth.  Saturday  was  given  to  the  bat 
tleground  of  Long  Island,  Sunday  and  Monday  to 
Washington's  movements  at  the  retreat,  and  to  Forts 
Stony  Point,  Clinton  and  Montgomery,  Andre's  affairs, 
etc.  Yesterday  I  went  over  the  battleground  of  Bur- 
goyne.  To  do  this  I  have  worked  hard,  and  have  been 
obliged  to  pass  the  nights  in  travel." 

It  would  not  be  fair,  however,  to  leave  as  the  last 
impression  of  Bancroft's  public  service  at  home  the 
idea  that  his  private  concerns  were  paramount  with  him. 
Loyalty  to  superiors  in  office  is  at  least  one  indication 
of  the  quality  of  one's  service.  Of  Bancroft's  loyalty 
to  Polk  there  is  a  striking  expression.  More  than 
forty  years  after  the  closest  association  of  the  two  men 

1  Quoted  in  unpublished  monograph  on  Folk's  Cabinet  by 
Miss  Mary  L.  Hinsdale. 


294  GEORGE  BANCROFT         [1845-1846 

came  to  an  end,  Bancroft  had  occasion  to  examine  care 
fully  the  personal  papers  of  his  chief.  Far  from  agree 
ing  with  Lowell  that  half  "The  Masses"  had  been  per 
suaded 

"  by  way  of  a  joke 
That  Washinton's  mantelpiece  fell  upon  Polk," 

Bancroft  wrote,  August  30,  1887,  to  his  friend,  Col.  J. 
G.  Harris  of  Nashville:  "I  safely  received  and  have 
worked  away  very  industriously  and  thoroughly  on 
Folk's  papers.  His  character  shines  out  in  them  just 
exactly  as  the  man  he  was,  prudent,  far-sighted,  bold, 
excelling  any  democrat  of  his  day  in  undeviatingly  cor 
rect  exposition  of  the  democratic  principles;  and,  in 
short,  as  I  think,  judging  of  him  as  I  knew  him,  and 
judging  of  him  by  the  results  of  his  administration,  one 
of  the  very  foremost  of  our  public  men  and  one  of  the 
very  best  and  most  honest  and  most  successful  Presi 
dents  the  country  ever  had." 


3*8 


DEPT 

,  , 


LD2lA-60m-6,'69 
(J9096slO)476-A-32 


jcixv,. brary 

University  of  California 
Berkeley 


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U.  C.BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


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